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Reniak^ Joach5ja^ 1920- 
Sarajevo; the story of a 

political jmirder Criterion 

Books [1959] 


D DDD1 D3S32P 






Copyright 1959, by Joachim Remak 
Library of Congress Catalogue Card No. 59-6557 
Manufactured in the United States of America 
Designed by Sidney Feinberg 

Sources for Illustrations 

The Bettmann Archive: s and 20; Bildarchiv der Osterreichlschen 
Nationalbibliothek; i, 3, 4, 8, 16, 18 and si; MiloS Bogttevfc Le 
Procts de Salonique, Andre Delpeuch, Paris: 7; Professor Vojislav 
Bogi^evi^, Sarajevo: 9, 10, n, , 13, 14, 15 , ig and 25; Heeresges- 
chzchthches Museum, Vienna: 5, 6, 17 and as; The Hoover Institu- 
tion on War, Revolution, and Peace: 3 and a*; Rudolf Lecfmer & 
Sohn, Vienna: 26. 

To Roberta 



Nearly five decades after Sarajevo, some of the details 
surrounding the crime that set off the First World War are 
still obscure, and are likely to remain so. For motives that 
should become apparent in the course o this book, some 
of the participants have been prevented from talking, while 
others have voluntarily kept silent; some have deliberately 
lied about the roles they played, while others have attested 
to facts of which in reality they had little or no knowledge. 
Yet a time has now arrived when enough evidence is avail- 
able to separate truth from falsehood with some degree of 
accuracy, and to reconstruct a story of the plot that should 
be substantially correct. That is what this book has tried 
to do. 

In writing it, I have profited very greatly from the aid 
and advice that were given by a number of people, and I 
should like to express some measure of my gratitude to 
them here. Especially I am indebted to Professor Frederick 
A. Breier, to Professor Bernadotte E. Schmitt, to Professor 
Wayne Vucinich, to Professor Thomas A. Bailey, to Dr. 
MiloS Martig, to Professor Charles Burdick, to Mr. Ray 
Morrison, to Dr. D. F. O'Brien, to Dr. Paul Sweet, and to 
Mrs. Mark Christine for their criticisms and suggestions 
concerning the manuscript. On the illustrations, gracious 


viil Preface 

and generous aid was extended by Professor Vojlslav 
Bogidevic, by Duke Max of Hohenberg, by the Austrian 
Army Museum, and by the Austrian National Library. 
Permission to quote certain crucial material was very 
kindly granted by Editions Payot, Paris, for Albert Mousset, 
Un Drame Historique, UAttentat de Sarajevo; by Oxford 
University Press, for Luigi Albertini, The Origins of the 
War of 1914; and by Rudolf Lechner & Sohn, for the manu- 
script page from Gavrilo Princips Bekenntnisse shown in 
the illustrations. 

A particular note of appreciation is owed to the Hoover 
Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, at Stanford 
University, without whose unique resources in twentieth 
century European history this book could not have been 
written. So many members of the Hoover Institution's 
staff offered so much help and patience that I hope they 
will not misunderstand if I say that the assistance given by 
Mrs. Arline B. Paul and by Mrs. Agnes F. Peterson does 
call for a separate expression of gratitude. 

A long-range debt, which has to do with my whole train- 
ing as a historian, is owed above all to two men: to Pro- 
fessor Raymond J, Sontag, and to Professor Ernst H. Kan- 
torowicz. This is not the sort of debt which can be ad- 
equately summed up, but I would at least like to indicate 
its existence. 

As for the acknowledgments of individual sources, no 
footnotes are given in the text, in order not to interrupt the 
narrative. Instead, a bibliographical essay, listing and dis- 
cussing all the sources used, will be found at the end of the 

Lake Grove, Oregon 
March 2 1,1 959 


Preface vii 

Cast of Principal Characters xiii 

PROLOGUE: Sarajevo, June 2 8, 1914 3 

I Franz Ferdinand 5 

ii Emperor and Nephew 16 

in The Trip to Sarajevo 29 

iv The Conspirators 43 

v The Preparations 58 

vi PaSi 71 

vii Crossing the Drina 79 

vni Waiting 91 

ix Maneuvers 101 

x Cabrinovi 113 

xi Princip 129 

xii Riots and Sympathy 146 

XHI A Strange Funeral 16 1 

xiv The Investigation 182 

xv War 199 

xvi The Trial 211 

xvii The Penalty 230 

EPILOGUE: "On This Historic Spot . ." 247 

Sources 263 

Index 295 


List of Illustrations 

facing page 

1. Archduke Franz Ferdinand with his wife 

and children 48 

2. Franz Ferdinand 48 

3. Franz Joseph I 48 

4. Nicola Pasid 49 

5. Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijevid 49 

6. General Oskar Potiorek 49 

7. A Black Hand document 49 

8. Gavrilo Princip in Belgrade 80 

9. Gavrilo Princip in prison 80 

10. Danilo Hid 80 

11. Trifko Grabei So 

12. Vaso Cubrilovid 81 

13. Cvijetko Popovii Si 

14. Mi$ko Jovanovid 81 

15. Veljko Cubrilovic 81 

1 6. The Reception in Mostar, on the way to Sarajevo 144 

17. At the maneuvers 144 

18. Leaving the city hall 144 

19. A few minutes before the assassination 145 

20. After the assassination 145 

21. Franz Ferdinand's bloodied uniform coat 


xii List of Illustrations 

22. The funeral cortege 

23. The public learns the news a special edition 

24. The formal confirmation The Official Gazette 

of June 29 

25. The trial *77 

26. A Princip manuscript xjj 


NOTE: Serbo-Croat names have not been transliterated. 
The approximate English pronounciation of the letter 2 
is tsh, of tch, of j y, of sh, of 2 j. Nedjelko Cabri- 
novi thus is pronounced Nedyelko Tshabrinovitch, Gra- 
bez Grabej, and Pai Pashitch. 



CVIJETKO Popovnf: 



OF AusxRiA-EsTE of Austria 




Governor of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina 


Emperor of Austria and 
Apostolic King of 


xiv Cast of Principal 











Prime Minister of Serbia 

An Unsuccessful Murderer 
A Revolutionary 

Minister of Finance of 

Bosnian Exile in Belgrade 

Chief of Intelligence, 
Serbian General Staff 

Dimitrijevic's Aide 

Teacher in Priboj and 
Agent on the Underground 

Farmer; father of Jovo, 
Blagoje, and Nedjo Kerovic 

Cinema Manager in Tuzla 
and Agent on the Under- 
ground Route 

Commissioner of Police 
In Sarajevo 

Imperial Lord 

President of the 
Sarajevo Court 


Public Prosecutor 

Cast of Principal Characters xv 



FELIX PERisid Defense Counsel 





MARKO PERINA . Friends of the Assassins 






Sarajevo, June 28, 1914 

ON THE MORNING of June #8, 1914, seven young men took 
up the positions they had previously agreed on along an 
avenue called the Appel Quay in Sarajevo, capital of the 
then Austrian province of Bosnia. The first post, near the 
building of the Austro-Hungarian Bank, was that of a Mos- 
lem carpenter, A few yards away from him, near the teach- 
ers' training college, stood a typesetter, who had spent the 
earlier part of the day having his picture taken, with an 
anti-Austrian paper in one hand, and a bomb in his inside 
coat pocket so that, as he said later, **a memory would re- 

A bit further up, by a bridge, stood two Sarajevo high- 
school students. Two more students who had recently come 
from Belgrade together had placed themselves near the 
next two bridges leading across the river. The last member 
of the group, a twenty-four year old schoolteacher and 
newspaper editor, had no fixed spot of his own but spent 
his time passing up and down between the others. 

Five members of the group were not yet twenty; all were 



natives of Bosnia or of its sister province, Herzegovina. AH, 
except for the Moslem, were Serb-Orthodox Catholics. 
All were armed with Belgian army revolvers and small 
bombs of Serbian manufacture, and carried vials o cyanide 
to poison themselves with later in the day. 

At about a quarter past ten, several cars approached. In 
the first sat the Mayor and the Police Chief of Sarajevo; in 
the second, the Heir to the Austrian Throne* Archduke 
Franz Ferdinand, his wife Sophie, and the Governor of 
Bosnia, General Oskar Potiorek. Three more cars bearing 
various members of Franz Ferdinand's and Potiorek's suites 
followed behind them. 

As, cheered by the crowd, the procession passed his post, 
the carpenter thought that just then a policeman had 
stepped directly behind him. Torn between indecision and 
fear, he did nothing* The typesetter, who was next, had 
stronger nerves* When he $a\v the Archduke's car, he took 
his bomb from his pocket, knocked its cap off against a 
lamp post, stepped forward, and hurled it at Franz Ferdi- 

The bomb fell on the folded hood of the car's open roof 
and bounced off into the street* There it exploded with a 
loud detonation and badly wounded several spectators as 
well as an aide of General Potiorek's who had been riding 
in the next car. The Archduke himself appeared unhurt. 
Having made sure that the wounded were receiving medi- 
cal attention, he turned to his suite saying: **Come on, the 
fellow is insane/' and the procession continued on its way 
to the City Hall. As it did so, none of the remaining five 
conspirators took any action, some because they thought 
that the attempt had succeeded, others because their cour- 
age failed them. 


Franz Ferdinand 

A Royal Education 

Of fairly heavy build and medium height, with slightly 
protruding, steel blue eyes and an upturned, thick black 
moustache, Franz Ferdinand In 1914 had the physical ap- 
pearance of the not uncommon type of Austrian army of- 
ficer whose world was limited by his military duties, and 
whose interests outside his career were circumscribed by 
good food and good company. Actually, Franz Ferdinand 
was an extraordinarily complex and difficult person, whose 
reported plans for Austria-Hungary's future served to make 
him one of the most puzzling and occasionally one of the 
most feared of men to his contemporaries. 

Franz Ferdinand was born in Graz, capital of the Aus- 
trian province of Styria, on December 18, 1863, the eldest 
son of Archduke Carl Ludwig and his wife Maria Annun- 
ciata. His father was the second youngest brother of the 
Emperor of Austria, Franz Joseph I. His mother was the 
daughter of the late Bourbon King of the Two Sicilies, Fer- 



dinand II. Maria Annunciata was a beautiful, frail woman, 

who despite the warnings of her doctors bore her husband 
three more children Otto, Ferdinand Carl, and Maxga- 
retha Sophie until she died of tuberculosis in 1871 at the 
age of twenty-eight, 

Archduke Carl Lud%vig, left a widower for the second 
time (his first wife, a Saxon princess, had died within two 
years of their marriage) remarried in the summer of 1873, 
His new wife was the eighteen year old Maria Theresla, 
daughter of Dom Miguel, the Infanta of Portugal, She 
treated Carl Ludwig's children with great love and devo- 
tion* There were to be few people with whom Franz Ferdi- 
nand was as close and trusting as with his Portuguese step- 

His youth, in general, was spent in the manner custom- 
ary for a Habsburg prince not destined for the succession: 
in his father's picturesque castles and hunting lodges on the 
Danube and in the Tyrolean mountains, or in the family's 
town house in Vienna. His education was private and of the 
sort that goes far toward explaining why there are so few 
ruling monarchs left in the world. Some of his tutors were 
excellent men, such as the liberal and intelligent Prior God- 
fried Marschall, his tutor in religion, who went on to be- 
come Bishop of Vienna* More typical, however, were men 
like Dr. Onno Klopp, his instructor in history, Klopp, a 
man of violently clericalist and monarchist bent, felt that 
not one among the existing historical textbooks was fit 
reading for a descendant of Charles V and Maria Theresia 
since none did enough justice to the House of Habsburg. 
He therefore taught history to Franz Ferdinand on the basis 
not of texts but of lectures he himself prepared, dwelling 
in particular detail on those Habsburg emperors who had 
distinguished themselves as leaders in the Counter-Refor- 

Franz Ferdinand 7 

matlon. Franz Ferdinand, bright and quick-witted, stood all 
this perhaps better than most, but still the haphazard tutor- 
ial system left some very serious gaps in his education, above 
all in his working knowledge of languages. 

At twenty, an examination presided over by his father 
ended his formal schooling. His next step again an ob- 
vious one was to take up his military career in earnest. 
Joining a regiment of dragoons in Upper Austria as a first 
lieutenant, he saw service with an infantry regiment in 
Prague, with the hussars in Hungary, and again with the in- 
fantry in Bohemia. His promotions, as was to be expected in 
the case of a Habsburg prince came fast: captain in 1885 
at the age of twenty-one, major in 1888, colonel in 1890, 
general in 1896, and Inspector General of the entire armed 
forces of Austria-Hungary in 1913. 

His relations with his fellow officers lacked warmth, for 
Franz Ferdinand had a strong tendency to hold himself 
aloof, but this did not mean that the young Archduke 
spurned the usual diversions of the Austrian officer and 
gentleman. He would often leave his dull garrison town in 
Upper Austria for his apartments in the family palace in 
Vienna. He was even then a passionate hunter; he was also 
not averse as his tactful biographer, Rudolf Kiszling, puts 
it to "other pleasure trips, about which many interesting 
details were then told in society." He was abetted in these 
escapades by his gay and charming younger brother Otto, 
who had a disarming knack for letting Franz Ferdinand 
pick up the bill for both of them. 

Mayerling and the Succession 

Thus far, Franz Ferdinand's life had run along a smooth 
and entirely predictable course. Then, within the space of 


a few years, three events occurred which gave it a wholly 
new direction: his becoming the Emperor's heir apparent, 
his illness, and his morganatic marriage. 

On January 30, 1889, the Emperor's son, Crown Prince 
Rudolf, for reasons and under circumstances that are still 
not entirely clear, shot himself at his hunting lodge at May- 
erling. Under Habsburg house law, the succession now 
passed to Franz Ferdinand's father, Archduke Carl Ludwig. 
(First in line to succeed the Emperor, had the Mexicans not 
shot him, would have been Carl Ludwig's older brother 

Greatly devoted to his family, Carl Ludwig was a very 
kind and a very sociable man, who had neither the inclina- 
tion nor the ability to hold high office. It was generally as- 
sumed after Mayerling, therefore, that Franz Ferdinand was 
the new heir to the throne. Seven years later, he became the 
Heir Apparent In law as well as in fact, after Ins father had 
died of too much piety. On a pilgrimage of the Holy Places, 
in 1896, Carl Ludwig would not be dissuaded from stooping 
down by the river Jordan in Palestine and drinking from 
its waters. He caught dysentery and died that same spring. 

An Un~Au$trian Austrian 

At that particular moment, Franz Ferdinand himself was 
so ill that there was considerable speculation over the suc- 
cession's passing to his brother. Franz Ferdinand's health 
had never been robust* He was much affected by throat 
trouble, and in 1885 he had to travel to Greece and Pales- 
tine to regain his strength. Whatever relief the Mediter- 
ranean climate brought him was short-lived. Between i8& 
and 1 893 he went on a trip around the world, in the course 
of which he visited the United States, His American itiner- 

Franz Ferdinand 9 

ary included Yellowstone Park, the Grand Canyon, Salt 
Lake City, Chicago, and Niagara Falls, and ended in New 
York, where he had the all but obligatory dinner at Del- 
monico's. "There is no doubt," he later wrote about his 
impressions of New York's high life, 

that it [Delmonico's] is a restaurant of the first rank and 
of great fame. We were offered not just roast beef and lamb 
chops, but select products of French cooking. A distinguished 
public filled the elegant rooms. 

We ended the evening at Koster and Bial's Music Hall, 
which is connected with a restaurant. We attended a per- 
formance of the kind offered by Ronacher's in Vienna, and 
were more than a little pleased when three girls, apparently 
Austrian, sang the "Blue Danube." We were less stimulated 
by a ballet performance at the end of the show based on a 
f&te at the Court of King Louis XVI; dcor and dancing left 
as much to be desired as the dancers, most of whom were far 
removed from the days of their youth. 

About a year after his return, in 1895, Franz Fer- 
dinand fell extremely ill again. The blunt diagnosis of his 
personal physician was that he was suffering from tuber- 
culosis. An extensive stay in the milder and dryer climates 
first of the Tyrol, then of Egypt, and finally of Switzerland 
brought about a major improvement of his condition, and 
in 1898 he was considered to be entirely well again. 

His illness, however, left two deep scars. One was that for 
the remainder of his life, he had to take pains not to catch 
as much as the mildest of colds. He was forbidden to ride or 
walk too hard, or to remain in city air for too long. To ex- 
ercise so much physical restraint meant torture to a man of 
Franz Ferdinand's active and passionate nature. "I will 
never forget/' wrote one o his aides, "his terribly sincere 


and plaintive words when one hot summer day the two of 
us climbed a rather steep hill: 'Oh, it's easy for you; you 
don't even get warm/ M 

An even more crucial result of this period was an all 
too understandable feeling of bitterness. During the worst 
part of his illness, most people at Court had been convinced 
that there was little hope for him, and had turned their at- 
tention to his popular and handsome brother Otto. Otto 
was given the military advancement reserved for a crown 
prince, and the Foreign Minister prevailed upon the Em- 
peror to grant Otto the personal retinue of an Heir Appar- 
ent, since Franz Ferdinand was "lost anyway." An article in 
a Hungarian paper which came to Franz Ferdinand's atten- 
tion even expressed some ill-concealed glee over his illness 
and the expectation of his impending death* 

Had the Archduke been more of a Stoic, he might have 
looked back on these incidents with gratitude, for their ef- 
fect was to give him an angry determination to get well. He 
had been anything but an easy patient; the Hungarian edi- 
torial made him observe his doctor's orders punctiliously. 
As it was, the period only pointed up his less attractive char- 
acter traits* 

Potential savior of the Austrian monarchy, and passion- 
ately dedicated to the cause of Austria, Franz Ferdinand es~ 
sentially was the most un-Austrian of Austrians. The mood 
of fin de si^cle Austria, and particularly of Vienna, was one 
of tolerance and mellow irony* "The situation/* reads the 
famous if mythical Austrian war communique, f< is desper- 
ate but not serious/* The mood of Franz Ferdinand was one 
o distrust and autocratic aloofness, "You think that every 
man is an angel at the outset, and have unfortunate experi- 
ences afterwards/' he told one of his close associates. **I re- 
gard everyone whom I meet for the first time as a scoundrel, 

Franz Ferdinand 11 

and wait until he does something to justify a better opinion 
in my eyes/ 9 

A man of gigantic pride, he was at the same time danger- 
ously thin-skinned. It was not just that he was unable to 
stand direct criticism; he also had a constant dread of not 
being taken seriously enough or of being underrated. If an 
associate should imply that he considered himself to be 
Franz Ferdinand's intellectual superior, a verbal explosion 
would inevitably follow. No really outstanding person 
would remain in his entourage for long; broken friendships 
and associations dissolved in anger were the marks of his 

He was, as even an admiring biographer, Theodor von 
Sosnosky, is forced to concede, "the natural autocrat; had 
he lived in more ancient times, he would probably have be- 
come a despot." 

This dark side of his character to which must be added 
the further un- Austrian traits of misanthropy, religious big- 
otry, and miserliness made him one of the least loved of 
figures in Austrian life. He did not seem to care. Partly it 
was his pride, nourished by his decided convictions about 
the divine origins of royal power, and partly his choleric 
temperament which made him show the same unconcern 
for public opinion that had ultimately cost his ancestress 
Marie Antoinette her head a century or so earlier. 

His failings might have mattered less had they not been 
accompanied by lack of moderation and balance. It seemed 
that he could only love or hate, not like or dislike. Many of 
the things he touched had a tendency to lose their normal 
proportions, to become much larger than life. This even 
applied to his favorite pastimes of hunting and antique col- 

Franz Ferdinand was a dedicated hunter and a fabulous 


shot. Dining his trip around the world an Indian maha- 
rajah he was visiting produced a professional marksman 
who entertained his audience by tossing coins high up into 
the air and riddling them with bullets. Franz Ferdinand 
watched, then tried the same trick and beat the startled pro- 
fessional. When he was recuperating from tuberculosis in 
the Tyrol two years later, he once amused himself by shoot- 
Ing, from the deck chair in which he was sitting, small twigs 
from a larch tree about thirty feet distant with such un- 
canny accuracy that it finally looked as though the tree had 
been clipped with a gardener's shears, 

But in Franz Ferdinand's hands, hunting changed from 
an aristocratic sport into mass butchery. During his world 
tour, he sometimes shot game from the windows of his mov- 
ing train. In 1897, at the age of thirty-three, he killed his 
thousandth stag; in 1910 his five thousandth. Single hunts 
in which he killed up to 2,000 pheasants were not rare, 

No one discouraged him from going on these rampages* 
As one of the monthly reports from the Archducal forest ad- 
ministration had it: "His Royal and Imperial Highness' 
most devoted of servants very humbly begs to report that 
in the Kozli district 380 hares have been counted, all of 
whom are already looking forward with unbounded joy to 
being shot by His Highness/* 

When collecting antiques, he was similarly voracious. 
Unappreciative of music or literature ("Goethe and Schil- 
ler/' he said indignantly during the unveiling of a Goethe 
monument in Vienna, 4i get their statues, while many Aus- 
trian generals who have done more for our country are neg- 
lectedl"), he started an art collection whose chief claim to 
distinction lay in its quantity. His special fondness was for 
obfets d y art showing representations of Saint George and 
the Dragon. Over the years, often after some shrewd bar- 

Franz Ferdinand 13 

gaining on his part, he collected some 3,750 pieces bearing 
a likeness of the knight and the beast: paintings, coats of 
mail, pieces of furniture, inn signs, letter weights, clocks, 
coins, carpets, cups, bookbindings, blankets, candlesticks, 
snuffboxes, etc. A special museum finally had to be built to 
house all this indiscriminate Georgiana. 

There were, of course, many compensating features. Not 
all his hobbies were as excessive as his collecting or as 
bloody as his hunting. At his favorite residence, the estate 
and castle of Konopisht in Bohemia, he established a 
model farm, and grew roses that became the envy of the 
world's horticulturalists. Aloof he might be, but those who 
did manage to break through his reserve, such as the Ger- 
man Emperor for one, were genuinely devoted to him. Few 
might love him, but even fewer would impugn his intelli- 
gence, ability, determination, and courage. Harsh he might 
appear, but much of his harshness may have been no more 
than a mask he felt his position forced him to wear. 

As for his unpopularity, the affair of his marriage was to 
gain him a fair amount of public sympathy, even though 
that marriage never noticeably altered his disposition. 

A Courting Deception Uncovered 

In the early nineties, rumors abounded in Vienna society 
that Franz Ferdinand was paying court to one of the daugh- 
ters of Archduke Friedrich and Archduchess Isabella in 
Pressburg. He was known to be a frequent traveler between 
Vienna and Pressburg, and sometimes visited the archdu- 
cal family as often as twice a week. Archduchess Isabella, 
self-important and ambitious, was vastly pleased at the pros- 
pect of becoming mother-in-law to the future Emperor. 

One evening, after Franz Ferdinand, who had been play- 


Ing tennis that day, had left for Vienna, a servant discovered 
that the Archduke had left his watch behind in the dressing 
room* He picked it tip and took it to Isabella, The watch 
was somewhat unusual In that it had a large number of 
trinkets collected by its owner over the yearsstrung to- 
gether in place of the usual watch chain. Curious, the Arch- 
duchess examined these trinkets, until she came to a locket 
designed to hold a miniature portrait. 

Expecting, perhaps, to discover which one of her daugh- 
ters Franz Ferdinand really favored (pretty Marie Christine, 
the eldest, was generally considered to be his most likely 
choice), she opened the locket. Instead of being faced with 
one of her daughters* pictures, she was startled to see a pho- 
tograph of her lady in waiting, Countess Sophie Chotek. 
Furiously angry, and in the best tradition of old-fashioned 
melodrama, she discharged her lady in waiting on the spot, 
forcing her to leave the archducal house that same evening. 

Countess Sophie Chotek von Chotkova und Wognin was 
a handsome, proud* and tall woman, with dark hair, dark 
flashing eyes, and a great deal of vital energy. Her family 
was of Czech origin. Her father had been a diplomat, who 
had gone on to serve as chief equerry at the Imperial Court 
in Vienna* There was little money* 

Franz Ferdinand may first have met Sophie as early as 
1888 at a dance in Prague* Seeing her again during a num- 
ber of social occasions, he finally fell very much in love with 
her. The attention paid to Archduke Friedrich's daughter 
had been nothing but a cover for being with Sophie. Dur- 
ing the days the lovers were separated from each other, let- 
ters were carried from Vienna to Pressburg and back by his 
trusted valet and later major dome, Franz Janaczek. (When 
last heard of a few years ago, Janaczek* then eighty-nine* was 
still in the family's employ, serving Franz Ferdinand's 

Franz Ferdinand 15 

eldest son. Duke Maximilian of Hohenberg.) For almost a 
year, until the incident of the forgotten watch, the decep- 
tion worked very well indeed. 

Unfortunately, the disappointed Archduchess was not 
the only person to take offense at the affair. In the spring 
of 1899, after having been reassured by his physician that 
his health was good, and that there was little or no danger 
of his giving tuberculosis to his future wife or children, 
Franz Ferdinand decided to marry Sophie. The decision 
brought on a bitter battle with Court, society, and Emperor, 
which Franz Ferdinand never fully won. 


Emperor and Nephew 

The Court Objects 

Marriage, the Emperor and his advisers felt, was out of 
the question. The Choteks were an ancient and noble Bo- 
hemian family, but Habsburg house law plainly stipulated 
that a Habsburg could marry none but an eligible partner* 
The definition of eligibility was descent either from the 
House of Habsburg, or from a detailed list of families that 
included all the ruling dynasties of Europe and a number 
of princely though no longer sovereign houses* The Cho- 
teks could claim neither. 

A Habsburg unhappy over this might request the ap- 
proval of the Emperor as head of the family to enter into a 
morganatic marriage. In such a marriage, the wife did not 
assume her husband's rank, and the children could not 
claim the titles, privileges, and offices of the line of Habs- 
burg-Lorraine. Several Habsburgs had done so, but never 
a successor to the throne* and the Emperor was wholly un- 
willing to approve a morganatic marriage in this case* 


Emperor and Nephew 17 

Franz Joseph was far from being a heartless or arrogant 
man. Many bourgeois as well as nobles had served him and 
the state (although the former, if able, would very soon 
have a knighthood conferred on them; old Austria com- 
pared perhaps only to Great Britain in the amount of social 
nobility that it offered). He was, however, a firm believer 
in tradition and the law's observance. Equally profound 
was his conviction that while an increasingly democratic 
society might blur old class distinctions, the monarchy was 
not a class but a divinely ordained institution above all 
groups and classes. Private happiness, therefore, ought in 
the Emperor's view always to give way to the higher dynas- 
tic duties of a Habsburg. 

But if Franz Joseph was stubborn in withholding his ap- 
proval of the marriage, so was his nephew in demanding it. 
None of the Court's emissaries could dissuade him from his 
resolve. When the Emperor sent the urbane Dr. Marschall, 
Franz Ferdinand's old tutor, to explain the obstacles to mar- 
rying Sophie, the only result was that Marschall forever af- 
ter was out of favor with Franz Ferdinand and years later 
saw his expected appointment as Prince Archbishop of Vi- 
enna blocked by his former pupil. 

The most honorable course for Franz Ferdinand to fol- 
low the Duke of Windsor took it not quite four decades 
later would have been to make a clear choice between in- 
clination and duty, either marrying Sophie and retiring to 
private life, or giving up Sophie and keeping his rights to 
the throne. But he was resolved, whatever the cost, both to 
marry her and to remain the Heir Apparent. 

"I beg Your Excellency/' he wrote to the Prime Minister, 
von Koerber, whom he was trying to enlist in his aid early 
in 1 900, "to make His Majesty show me some pity, for I have 
reached the very limit of my physical and moral strength, 


and am no longer responsible for anything!" 'Tour Excel- 
lency is aware/' he wrote in another note, "of my unshak- 
able intention; it is now a question of my life, my existence, 
and my future/' 

In his oral entreaties to the Prime Minister he was, if any- 
thing, even more desperate. Renouncing the throne, he ar- 
gued, was impossible; to do so would be a violation of di- 
vine law. To give up Sophie was equally unthinkable. 
Should the Emperor persist in his opposition, he might go 
mad or shoot himself, or else, as he told Koerber in a some- 
what calmer mood, he would simply wait and delay the 
marriage until old Franz Joseph was dead, even though he 
would be a man without happiness until then. 

Matters might have been settled more easily had rela- 
tions between Emperor and nephew been better. But there 
never had been much affection between them. The pros- 
pect of an audience with the Emperor would put Franz Fer- 
dinand in a state of nervous agitation; afterwards, he would 
frequently flee Vienna and remain away from the city as 
long as he could. Franz Joseph, for his part, was no more 
eager to receive his impetuous nephew. ("I saw him on this 
occasion only," the Emperor, with his usual understate- 
ment, was relieved to write to a close friend after meeting 
Franz Ferdinand at a military parade, "since he went on to 
Semlin at 2 o'clock to shoot eagles on the Lower Danube. I 
was rather glad that there was no chance for an argument.") 

Strained relations between crown prince and monarch 
are, of course, nothing new or surprising. The one, under- 
standably, is as eager to assume power as the other is to re- 
main alive and retain it. What was involved here was some- 
thing else. Franz Joseph and Franz Ferdinand represented 
not just different generations, but different worlds. All that 

Emperor and Nephew 19 

the nephew lacked the uncle possessed: balance, popularity, 
quiet authority. 

Franz Joseph 

His venerable age and the length of his reign alone were 
enough to make him the symbol of tradition and glory. 
Nearly seventy at the time of the marriage controversy, and 
ruler of Austria-Hungary since the revolutionary year of 
1848, Franz Joseph was the quintessential Emperor, the last 
perhaps that Europe has seen. He was also a gentleman. 

His working day began at four o'clock in the morning 
and did not end until eight or so at night. His needs and 
desires were almost Spartan in their simplicity. Yet in every 
public word and gesture, Franz Joseph was the monarch. 
No one left an audience with him without knowing that he 
had been face to face with an Emperor. 

Unlike Franz Ferdinand, the Emperor knew how to con- 
trol his feelings. He had had more than his share of per- 
sonal sorrows. His brother, Maximilian, had been stood 
up against a wall and shot in Mexico. His only son, Rudolf, 
had ended violently at Mayerling. His wife, the beautiful 
and kind Elizabeth of Bavaria, had been murdered by a 
half -demented Italian anarchist in 1898. Franz Joseph kept 
his tears to himself. Private emotions were for private oc- 

The same sense of dignity which imposed this reserve 
sometimes showed up in an observance of formality and 
decorum that might have been considered old-fashioned at 
Queen Victoria's Court. There was, for example, the mat- 
ter of how archducal babies were to be saluted. 

Living in the Hofburg, the Emperor's Vienna residence, 
were several Habsburg relatives prodigiously blessed with 


children. Regulations prescribed that every time one of 
the children passed through the courtyard, the guards had 
to salute by presenting arms, sounding the drums, and low- 
ering the flag. Since most of the children were far too young 
to understand the meaning of this performance- some of 
them still wore diapers the salute would usually be ac- 
knowledged by a nod from their tutor or by a bow from a 
pleased if somewhat startled nurse. Finally, against his own 
better judgment, an aide suggested to Franz Joseph that the 
regulations be changed, and that only those archdukes and 
duchesses who had been declared of age be saluted in this 
fashion. Franz Joseph was very much annoyed. The idea, he 
said, was a slight against the dynasty; things were to remain 
as they had always been; and he never wished to hear such 
a proposal again. 

The Emperor knew very well that times were changing, 
"He said/' Theodore Roosevelt recorded of an audience 
with him during the ex-President's world tour in 1910, 
"that he had been particularly interested in seeing me be- 
cause he was the last representative of the old system, 
whereas I embodied the new movement, the movement of 
the present and future, and that he had wished to see me so 
as to know how the prominent exponent of that movement 
thought and felt/ 1 However, while he might have a look at 
the century's odd new men, for himself he wished to live as 
he always had. Only after being asked repeatedly did he at 
last permit the addition of several automobiles to the 
royal coaches, but he himself would hardly ever use these 
new inventions, and he could never be persuaded to enter 
an elevator. For almost seventy years, the story went, he 
spent every summer vacation in the resort town of Ischl, 
where he visited the same old Mends, ordered the same fia- 

Emperor and Nephew 21 

ere for his use, and gave the coachman the same tip each 

What mattered of course was that behind these externals 
lay the qualities of the true gentleman: good manners, kind- 
ness, generosity, and fairness. He could be very stern; in- 
deed more than one visitor was disconcerted to see how 
much displeasure he could convey by no more than the hard 
and long glance of his pale blue eyes. But he would no more 
lose his temper than use a harsh word. Every order issued by 
Franz Joseph, Emperor of Austria and Apostolic King of 
Hungary and there were many orders each day began 
with thewords "I request." 

Unlike Franz Ferdinand again, he knew the meaning of 
generosity. Shortly before the World War, Franz Ferdi- 
nand proposed that his advisor on foreign affairs, Count 
Ottokar Czernin, be appointed to Austria's upper house. 
Relations between uncle and nephew were still far from be- 
ing cordial, and there were a great many rumors that the 
men around Franz Ferdinand were conspiring against the 
Emperor. As the Prime Minister mentioned Gzernin's 
name, Franz Joseph hesitated for a moment, and then said: 
"Oh yes, he's the man who is to become foreign minister 
after I am dead. Yes, he should be in the Upper House and 
learn something about the job/' 

A good Catholic himself, he had no use for intolerance of 
other faiths. "His Empire was too large," a contemporary 
observer has written, "the nations and religions were 
too many to allow him to feel or show any likes or dis- 
likes in this connection. He was used to being blessed 
by Catholic bishops, Protestant ministers, Jewish rabbis, 
Greek-Orthodox popes, and Mohammedan muftis and 
imams; he met all of them with the same friendliness and 


Set he might be in his ways, but they were good ways. Un- 
willing he might be in contrast to Franz Ferdinand to 
deal with the new problems of racialism and nationalism 
which threatened to break up his monarchy. Yet ironically, 
it was the respect his person evoked which chiefly held the 
Austrian Empire together. When, after a rule that had 
lasted for sixty-eight years, he closed his eyes in 1916 at the 
age of eighty-six, his death all but meant that of Austria- 
Hungary too. 

Renunciation and Marriage 

None of his qualities made it any easier for Franz Joseph 
to sympathize with his nephew's predicament. What finally 
forced him to change his stand in the summer of 1900 were 
reasons of state. Pope Leo XIII, Emperor Wilhelm of Ger- 
many, and Tsar Nicholas all had interceded in Franz Fer- 
dinand's behalf. Softly saying "was I not to be spared even 
this?" Franz Joseph gave his reluctant approval to a mor- 
ganatic marriage. 

On June 28, 1900, in the presence of the Emperor, all 
archdukes, the principal ministers of the monarchy, the 
Cardinal Prince Archbishop of Vienna, and the Primate of 
Hungary, Franz Ferdinand took the following written oath 
in the Secret Council Chamber of the Vienna Hofburg: 

Our marriage with the Countess Chotek is not an eligible 
but a morganatic marriage, and is to be considered as such 
for now and all time; in consequence whereof neither Our 
wife nor the issue to be hoped for with God's blessing from 
this Our marriage, nor their descendants, will possess or be 
entitled to claim those rights, titles, armorial bearings, privi- 
leges, etc., that belong to the eligible wives and to the issue 
of Archdukes from eligible marriages. And in particular We 

Emperor and Nephew 23 

again recognize and declare that inasmuch as the issue from 
Our aforesaid marriage and their descendants are not mem- 
bers of the most high Archhouse, they possess no right to 
succeed to the Throne. 

Three days after the oath of renunciation, Franz Ferdi- 
nand and Sophie Chotek were married in the chapel of 
Reichsstadt castle in Bohemia. Almost the entire Chotek 
family attended the wedding. The only Habsburgs to come 
were Franz Ferdinand's stepmother, Maria Theresia, and 
her two daughters. No other members of the Imperial 
House attended; even his brothers stayed away. 

Franz Joseph sent a telegram conferring the title of a 
Princess of Hohenberg upon Sophie. Nine years later, he 
raised her in rank to a Duchess, with the right of being ad- 
dressed as "Highness." 

The Emperor never again mentioned the marriage ques- 
tion in his nephew's presence, and tried his best to be kind 
to Sophie at their occasional meetings. The most uncharita- 
ble known remark he ever made about her was contained in 
a private letter to the motherly Katharina Schratt, his 
friend of many years' standing: "At 7: 30 I went to the city/ 1 
he wrote three months after the marriage, "where I stayed 
until 4:30 and saw several people, including my nephew 
Franz. At my invitation, he brought his wife. Things went 
quite well; she was natural and modest, but does not look 
quite young any more." 

Despite the Emperor's attitude, Franz Ferdinand and 
Sophie were exposed to a great many slights at Court. Court 
protocol seemed inflexible. Sophie was not allowed to ac- 
company her husband in the royal carriage with its golden 
spokes, nor could she sit by his side in the Burgtheater's 
royal box. At court dinners, the youngest archduchess 


would be placed above her at the table. At court balls, Franz 
Ferdinand might lead the procession, but Sophie would be 
forced to leave his side and appear behind the last princess 
of royal blood. 

Very slowly, these galling reminders of her morganatic 
status were being dropped, particularly after she had been 
received with the honors due to an archduchess at several 
foreign courts. Wilhelm II, during the archducal couple's 
visit to Potsdam in 1909, had ingeniously solved the seating 
problem by placing his guests at several small and separate 


But by the time Vienna was ready to follow the example 
set by foreign monarchs, Franz Ferdinand and Sophie had 
largely withdrawn from, court functions* It was not much 
of a sacrifice. The Archduke had never got along well with 
his Habsburg relatives, and his home life with Sophie was 
one of supreme happiness. 

"Soph is a treasure, I am indescribably happy/' he wrote 
a week after the wedding to his stepmother, "She looks after 
me so much, I am doing wonderfully. I am so healthy and 
much less nervous. I feel as though I had been born again/* 

The birth of their children confirmed them in their af- 
fection. First there was Sophie, born in 1901, then Maxi- 
milian in 1902, and Ernst in 1904. A fourth child died still- 
born* Franz Ferdinand was the fondest of fathers; his day 
began and ended by looking in on his children. Rumors 
abounded that he and Sophie harbored hidden ambitions 
for their future, and that he planned to have the renuncia- 
tion oath annulled upon Franz Joseph's death. He himself 
denied this. "The Habsburg crown/* he wrote to a sup- 
porter, "is a crown of thorns, and no one who is not born 
to it should desire it, A withdrawal of the renunciation will 
never be considered/ 1 

Emperor and Nephew 25 

Franz Ferdinand's public character remained as difficult 
as it had ever been, but his private happiness was true and 
it was lasting. "You don't know/' he confided in a letter to 
his stepmother in 1904, 

how happy I am with my family, and how I can't thank 
God enough for all my happiness. 

The most intelligent thing I've ever done in my life has 
been the marriage to my Soph. She is everything to me: my 
wife, my adviser, my doctor, my warner, in a word: my entire 
happiness. Now, after four years, we love each other as on our 
first year of marriage, and our happiness has not been marred 
for a single second. 

And our children. They are my whole delight and pride. I 
sit with them and admire them the whole day because I love 
them so. 

Political Plans 

There was much beside his family to keep Franz Ferdi- 
nand busy at this time. He was preparing for the day when 
he would become ruler of an Empire which, as he was well 
aware, showed every sign o falling apart. 

The dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary admittedly was 
an anachronism. It comprised something like a dozen na- 
tionalities and cultures, and the spirit of its government was 
one of improvisation, compromise, and tolerance. The cen- 
ters of administration were Vienna and Budapest. Ger- 
mans and Hungarians predominated in the higher echelons 
of army and administration, but such careers were by no 
means closed to the Empire's other nationalities, to Czechs, 
Italians, and Poles, to Croats, Slovaks, Serbs, Rumanians, 

Both politically and economically, the union of Central 


and Southeastern Europe which Austria-Hungary provided 
made a great deal of sense. How much so was discovered af- 
ter the Empire's willfull destruction in 1919, when it be- 
came very clear that none of its successor states were capable 
of standing by themselves, and all of them at one time or 
another fell victim to the pressure first of Germany and 
then of Russia. 

But at the turn of the century most of Austria-Hungary's 
nationalities were tired of the Empire. A multinational 
state, they felt, was out of keeping with the age. Modern 
democracy required equal rights for all; modern national- 
ism required that each nationality form its own nation. 
Many Poles thus wished to see the establishment of a new 
Polish state, many Slavs were putting their hopes in Russia, 
many Magyars wanted an independent Hungary, many 
Serbs wished to join the neighboring kingdom of Serbia. 

Much of the criticism was justified. The monarchy was 
not perfect, and the concepts on which it rested were doubt- 
lessly obsolete. Old Austria's basic trouble, however, lay not 
in the suppression of national rights, or in civic inequality. 
Neither was of an unbearable kind; change might be slow 
but it was taking place. The basic trouble lay in the mis- 
taken assumption of its rulers that traditions were stronger 
than passions, and that, fundamentally, men were rational 
beings who would prefer peace to chaos, and the shelter of 
Empire to the predictable excesses of modern racialism and 

Having ruled over Austria for nearly two generations, 
Franz Joseph was wary of undertaking any major reforms 
in the structure of the monarchy. Franz Ferdinand felt dif- 

In the years that followed his marriage, Franz Ferdinand 
acquired a good deal of actual power. He was beginning to 

Emperor and Nephew 27 

place several people o his choice in responsible army posi- 
tions, and he did much to support the expansion o the 
navy. He also worked on plans for Imperial reform. "I must 
have the nationalities with me/' he wrote, "for this is the 
only salvation for the future/' 

His early ideas for reform envisaged the substitution of 
"Dualism" with "Trialism." A third state was to be formed 
within the frontiers of the monarchy, consisting of the Em- 
pire's Southern Slavs Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs and 
power was to be shared more equally between Germans, 
Hungarians, and Slavs. Later, he apparently became con- 
vinced that Trialism was not enough and that nothing short 
of complete federalism along the lines of the American or 
Swiss systems could save the state. Presumably this would 
have provided for a division of the Empire into as many as 
sixteen autonomous states, linked together by a common 
ruler: the Emperor. There would also have been a joint 
foreign policy, joint armed forces, a joint economic system, 
and a federal parliament elected by the member states in 
proportion to their population. 

It is not entirely clear which of these plans Franz Ferdi- 
nand would have put into execution in the event of his suc- 
cession to the throne. At the time, Trialism received more 
publicity, but it is likely that in his last years Franz Ferdi- 
nand favored federalism. Nor is it certain whether his re- 
forms would have been successful. 

Austria-Hungary, wrote a skeptical contemporary ob- 
server, was 

a broken pot held together with a piece of wire. It might do 
duty as long as it was treated with due care, but woe if it 
were exposed to too many hard knocks or got some kick or 
other. Then it would be liable to fall to pieces. 


Autonomy might all too easily lead to independence. 
Certainly the Hungarians, who were ruling their portion 
of the Empire with a strong hand, and who had no inten- 
tion of surrendering any part of it, were incensed over 
Franz Ferdinand's reported plans. By a feat of gerryman- 
dering of truly heroic proportions, and by other such de- 
vices, eight and a half million Magyars were represented in 
the parliament at Budapest by 392 deputies, and eight mil- 
lion non-Magyars by 2 1 . 

Franz Ferdinand bore the Hungarians no greater love 
than they did him. "Rabble," "Huns/' "Asiatics" were 
some of his epithets for the Magyars. And it is conceivable 
that Hungarian opposition alone would have been suffi- 
cient to wreck any schemes for reform. No one can say of 
course, for it must also be remembered that Franz Ferdi- 
nand was a man of considerable ability and obstinacy, and 
that he was by no means alone in believing that Austria- 
Hungary's only choice lay between reform and destruction. 
What mattered was that in 1913, the chances of success 
looked favorable enough to make someone in the neighbor- 
ing kingdom of Serbia decide that Franz Ferdinand should 
be killed. 


The Trip to Sarajevo 

An Invitation to the Maneuvers 

In the late summer pf 1913, General Oskar Potiorek, 
Governor of the Austrian provinces of Bosnia and Herze- 
govina, invited Franz Ferdinand to the maneuvers of the 
Fifteenth and Sixteenth Army Corps that were to be held 
in Bosnia the following June under Potiorek's command. 
Would the Archduke, he asked, attend in his capacity as 
Inspector General of the Armed Forces, and set aside a day 
to let himself be received in the capital of Sarajevo as Heir 
to the Throne? As for a place to stay during the visit, 
Potiorek suggested the pretty resort town of Ilide near 

Franz Ferdinand accepted. It was time for a goodwill trip 
of this sort; no Habsburg had shown himself in Bosnia 
since the Emperor's visit of 1910. Besides, it was an oppor- 
tunity to have Sophie along, and to see that she was re- 
ceived with full honors. 

The extent to which thoughts about Sophie influenced 



his decision can only be guessed at. It is known, however, 
that he delayed asking the Emperor's permission to have 
Sophie come to Ilid2e until early in June, 1914, and that 
when the printed programs of the journey reached the Im- 
perial Palace, there was considerable consternation. The 
form and design of Sophie's as well as of Franz Ferdinand's 
program were those reserved for members of the Imperial 
House. "This is a bit much! What are we coming to!" said 
Franz Joseph's venerable aide, Count Paar, as he looked at 
Sophie's program. The Emperor, reportedly, was no more 
pleased, but he had no taste for scenes and simply left for 
his Ischl vacation a few days early in order to avoid his 

If Franz Ferdinand's reasons for accepting the invitation 
were not entirely straightforward, neither were General 
Potiorek's for extending it. There was more involved for 
him than the usual display of royal pageantry with which, 
since the days of the first Egyptian dynasty, kings and 
princes have at certain intervals entertained and impressed 
their subjects. The truth was that General Potiorek had re- 
cently run into a great deal of trouble with a restive Bos- 
nian population, and that he was eager for some visible evi- 
dence of Franz Ferdinand's support. 

Occupation and Annexation 

The story is told in Bosnia that when God created the 
earth, He carried two sacks, one full of earth, the other full 
of stones. As he was passing over what was to become Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, the sack of stones burst and all its con- 
tents came crashing down. 

The accident's results still show. There is a good deal 
more wild and mountainous terrain in Bosnia than there is 

The Trip to Sarajevo 31 

arable land, and to make one's living from the Bosnian soil 
seems always to have meant a life of want and hardship. 
God's sack, however, must have contained something else 
besides rocks, for the country is rich in mineral resources 
coal, iron, silver and in vast, fairy tale forests, where 
bears and wolves, chamoix and deer, wild boar and lynx can 
be found to this day. The country's rivers are full of fish, 
and toward the Southern Coast, oranges, lemons, plums, 
olives, grapes, and figs grow. 

Such pleasures of the region, but even more its strategic 
location between the Black Sea and the Adriatic had invited 
conquest, in turn, from Illyrians, Romans, Byzantines, Ser- 
bians, and Magyars, until in the fifteenth century, the 
Turks had come, apparently to stay. But by the nineteenth 
century, Bosnia's Turkish overlord had become "the sick 
man of Europe/' and the vast holdings of the Ottoman Em- 
pire were beginning to crumble. In Bosnia and Herzego- 
vina, armed insurrection against Turkish rule erupted in 
1874, which was soon joined by the neighboring regions of 
Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro. The revolt fared badly, 
until in 1877, the Russians, as the self-appointed protectors 
of Slavdom, declared war on Turkey, quickly routed the 
sick man, and forced him to promise independence to Serbia 
and Rumania, autonomy to Bulgaria, and reforms to Bos- 

At this point, the European powers, alarmed at the pros- 
pects of a Near East dominated by St. Petersburg, inter- 
vened and pressed Russia to submit its Turkish peace terms 
to an international Congress. In 1878, the Congress met in 
Berlin, under the chairmanship of Prince Otto von Bis- 
marck, the German Chancellor. The settlement reached pre- 
sented nearly everyone among the participants with some 
choice piece of Turkish territory. (Only the Germans took 


nothing, and the Italians had to be satisfied with some vague 
promises for the future; "The Italians/* said Bismarck, 
"have such a large appetite and such poor teeth.") The Rus- 
sians received the Caucasian border town of Kars and the 
Black Sea Port of Batum, and gained independence for 
Serbia and Rumania, with a modified sort of autonomy for 

To counteract Russia's gains, Bosnia and Herzegovina 
where all the trouble had started went to Austria-Hun- 
gary "to occupy and administer," Nominally, the territory 
remained Turkish; actually, no one expected the Austrian 
occupation to be anything but permanent. 

In October, 1908, having first bought off the Russians by 
an ambiguous promise of Austrian support in the question 
of the Dardanelles, the Austrians proclaimed the outright 
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. There were several 
good reasons for this step. Three months earlier, Young 
Turk reformers had seized power in Constantinople, which 
raised the alarming possibility that the dissolution of the 
Ottoman Empire might be coming to a halt, and that the 
Turks might even ask for the return of their Bosnian prop- 
erty. In Bosnia-Herzegovina the Austrian occupation re- 
gime was unpopular, and the need for some sort of repre- 
sentative government obvious. Yet if there were to be any 
real change, it could be introduced far more easily if Franz 
Joseph were able to act as sovereign, rather than as the tem- 
porary administrator of someone else's territory. 

There also were some good reasons against annexation. 
Legally, it was a clear violation of the 1878 Treaty of Ber- 
lin. Nor did the need to break the treaty seem truly com- 
pelling to a good many Austrians. Someone who has had an 
affair with a woman for thirty years, commented one such 
critic, and who after all this time suddenly feels the need 

The Trip to Sarajevo 33 

to legalize the relationship, must strike his friends as more 
than a bit odd. Franz Ferdinand had definitely been op- 
posed to annexation. "Considering our sad domestic state 
of affairs/' he had written in a hastily penciled note to the 
Austrian foreign minister in August, "I am, quite generally 
speaking, against all such displays of strength. In my opin- 
ion, only a well-consolidated, strong state can afford such 
things. . . ." 

In spite of Franz Ferdinand's misgivings, international 
reaction to annexation was nonviolent. The great powers, 
while annoyed, in the end were satisfied when Austria paid 
a large cash compensation to the Turks. Not so the Ser- 
bians. In Belgrade, large and angry crowds filled the streets, 
shouted ''Down With Austria!/' and demanded action. The 
Serbian government called up the reserves, and the parlia- 
ment voted the necessary credits for war. Only when the 
Russians frankly warned Serbia that they did not intend to 
support them in a war over Bosnia did the Belgrade govern- 
ment draw back. Serbia never forgave or forgot the annexa- 
tion, however. 

The reason for Serbia's pique was not that Bosnia suf- 
fered misery and oppression under Austrian rule. The qual- 
ity of Austrian administration was generally competent 
and certainly far superior to that of the Turks. The 
Austrians, in their slow way, did all the things which 
the conscientious colonial administrator is prone to do, 
even if it seldom seems to endear him to those he admin- 
isters. They built roads and railways; they provided ma- 
terial prosperity and orderly government; and, with the 
grant of a constitution in 1910, they prepared the way for 
full autonomy. 

What caused the anger in Belgrade was that Serbia cov- 
eted Bosnia and Herzegovina for itself. Strong groups 


within the kingdom wished to create a Greater Serbia 
which, with Serbia itself as a nucleus, would comprise 
the Austrian provinces of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Slavonia, 
and Croatia, parts of Turkish-held Macedonia, and the in- 
dependent principality of Montenegro. Their argument 
was that ethnically, Serbs, Bosnians, Croats, Slovenes, and 
Montenegrines were closely related, and should be con- 
sidered one people the South Slavs, or Yugoslavs. Pan- 
Serb agitation received a new and strong impetus with the 
First Balkan War of 1912, in which Greece, Bulgaria and 
Serbia joined forces to detach Macedonia from Turkey. 
The allies' victories over the Turks aroused a great deal of 
enthusiasm for the Serbian cause in Austria's South Slav 
provinces, even though Bulgaria, in the Second Balkan War, 
was to see its recent associates turn into enemies in a fight 
over the Macedonian spoils. 

The Death of a Hero 

With the spirited support of Serbia, a fair amount of un- 
rest developed in Bosnia, particularly among those who 
were young enough to have had no experience or recollec- 
tion of Turkish rule. In 1 9 1 3, in the wake of Serbia's Balkan 
War victories, anti-Austrian agitation became so virulent 
that Governor Potiorek saw himself forced to impose press 
censorship and to suspend parliament temporarily. 

The population of Bosnia and Herzegovina at that time 
numbered just under two million. Of that total, over 40 per 
cent were of the Serb-Orthodox faith a church that was 
and is closely related to the Greek-Orthodox; over 30 per 
cent were Moslems; and not quite 25 per cent were Roman 
Catholics. The remainder were mostly Jews and Protes- 
tants. Race and religion were nearly synonymous. Most of 

The Trip to Sarajevo 35 

the Serb-Orthodox were Serbs "Serb" being a racial or 
ethnic designation, which referred to any member of this 
Slavic group whether or not he was a citizen of Serbia, as 
distinct from "Serbian/' which was a national designation 
referring to a citizen of the Kingdom of Serbia. The Mos- 
lems were either Turks or Serbs. The Roman Catholics 
were mostly Croats. 

By and large, Bosnia's Serbs were in favor of union with 
Serbia. The Croats were divided: some wanted Serb-Croat 
union; others declined the Serbian offer of racial brother- 
hood and preferred to remain within the Empire. The Mos- 
lems were largely loyal to Austria. 

The agitation took two principal forms. One was to use 
existing legal organizations as covers for illegal activities. 
The other was to work through an underground organiza- 
tion that called itself Mlada Bosna "Young Bosnia" sup- 
ported by and patterned after a secret Serbian terrorist or- 
ganization known as the Black Hand. Its basic structure 
was that of various individual "circles," between which con- 
tact was maintained by special intermediaries. Each circle 
kept its membership small, so that a Mlada Bosna member 
could reveal no more than the names of a very few associates 
in case of arrest. Members were recruited mainly from 
among high-school and college students and the poorer peas- 
ants. All of Mlada Bosna's key members also belonged to 
the Belgrade Black Hand. 

The guiding spirit behind Mlada Bosna was a young man 
named Vladimir Ga<5inovi6 The son of a Serb-Orthodox 
priest in Herzegovina, he had studied theology for a while, 
but had changed his field when he discovered the writings 
of the Russian anarchists. His favorite among them was 
Bakunin, who held that the way to achieve a free and 


happy society was to assassinate the proper number of kings, 

presidents, and grand dukes. 

During the annexation crisis, Gainovi left Bosnia for 
Belgrade, vainly hoping that there would be war and that 
he might find a chance to bear arms against Austria. While 
in Belgrade, he met many of the men who were to become 
prominent in the Black Hand, and who thought as he did 
about Russian anarchism. His finest hour came after he had 
found a martyr to the cause. 

In 1910, during the opening of Parliament in Sarajevo, 
a Serb from Herzegovina, Bogdan Zerajii, fired five shots 
at the Austrian governor of Bosnia, General Vareanin. 
The sixth bullet he used to kill himself. General VareSanin, 
unhurt but displeased, reportedly stepped over to the 
blood-spattered Zerajic, kicked him, and called him a 
"filthy cur." As a final indignity, the would-be assassin's 
body was buried in the corner of the cemetery reserved for 
suicides and criminals, 

Gainovi<i seized the occasion to write a fiery pamphlet 
entitled "The Death of A Hero" in praise of 2eraji "a 
man of action, of strength, of life and virtue, a type such 
as opens an epoch, proclaims ideas and enlivens suffering 
and spell-bound hearts." Quoting 2eraji<5 as saying "I leave 
it to Serbdom to avenge me," Gainovi ended his eulogy 
by asking rhetorically: "Young Serbs, will you produce 
such men?" 

Armed with copies of his pamphlet and with other prop- 
agandist ammunition, Gadinovic!; made frequent forays 
from Serbia into Bosnia to look after the affairs of Mlada 
Bosna. "He speaks," an associate of his has written of this pe- 
riod, "offers encouragement, and disappears again like a 
shadow, as though the earth had swallowed him, since he 
forever feels that he is being followed by Austrian agents/* 

The Trip to Sarajevo 37 

2eraji<5 did become a hero to many Bosnian Serbs, but the 
concrete results were disappointing. Mlada Bosna's sister 
organization in neighboring Croatia did much better, man- 
aging to kill a Croat Secretary of Education in 1912, and to 
wound the Governor the next year. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, 
however, there were no further assassinations, successful or 

Chlumetz to Ilidze: Portents and Accidents 

Franz Ferdinand, early in June, was showing an odd re- 
luctance to attend the Bosnian maneuvers. He saw the 
Emperor, and suggested that for health reasons, he would 
just as soon not go. Franz Joseph left the decision up to his 
nephew. A few days later, Franz Ferdinand's Private Sec- 
retary took a phone call from Colonel Bardolff at the Arch- 
duke's Military Chancellery. He was very sorry, Bardolff 
said, but there would have to be a small change on the re- 
turn trip. The departure from Bosnia would have to be 
advanced by one hour, else it would be impossible to make 
the proper train connections. 

Franz Ferdinand reacted with unreasonable fury. Angrily 
tearing up a handkerchief he shouted: "Tell Colonel Bar- 
dolffi that if he should spoil our taste for the Bosnian trip 
even more than he has done so far by these daily difficulties 
and troubles, he can hold the maneuvers by himself. I won't 
go at all then. He seems to have forgotten that the maneu- 
vers will be over on the morning of the twenty-ninth, and 
that after that it will be a nonmilitary, private trip, with a 
lady present who deserves some consideration." 

On June 12 and 13, Franz Ferdinand received the Ger- 
man Emperor at his estate of Konopisht in Bohemia. The 
weather was so perfect, and the park in such lovely summer 
bloom, that he decided to open it to the public on June 14, 


the Sunday after Wilhelm/s departure. On Wednesday, 
June 17, accompanied by Sophie, he followed an invitation 
to go quail hunting at Countess Jella Haugwitz' estate of 
Namiest. He stayed until June 20, when he left for his other 
Bohemian castle of Chlumetz. Franz Ferdinand, the Count- 
ess later said, had struck her as unusually depressed, and 
full of forebodings. 

Three days later, the archducal couple started on their 
Bosnian journey. The program provided for their traveling 
together as far as Vienna only. From there, Franz Ferdinand 
was to go to Trieste and to cross the Adriatic on the battle- 
ship Viribus Unitis, while Sophie was to take the land route 
by way of Budapest. 

On the afternoon of Tuesday, June 23, Franz Ferdinand 
made a present of his gold watch to his valet, the faithful 
Janaczek, asking him to remain with Sophie and the chil- 
dren in the event that anything should ever happen to him. 
He and Sophie then took leave from the children, and 
caught the train to Vienna. At the station, the first of a 
number of accidents occurred which later enabled several 
witnesses to claim early premonitions of disaster. 

For years, Franz Ferdinand had been using his own spe- 
cial parlor car. As the Vienna express, to which his parlor 
car had been coupled a few miles out of town, pulled into 
Chlumetz station, smoke was seen rising from a hotbox. 
One of the parlor car's journal boxes, it turned out, had be- 
come badly overheated. No one could explain the accident. 
Hotboxes usually occurred only in very old or carelessly 
attended cars; neither was the case here. The porter in 
charge, normally the very model of the calm and conscien- 
tious official, was a picture of despair. There was nothing 
left to do, however, but to uncouple the car, and to make 
room for Franz Ferdinand and Sophie in the first-class com- 

The Trip to Sarajevo 39 

partment that had been reserved for the Archduke's young 
Chamberlain. "Well, that's a promising beginning for this 
trip/' said Franz Ferdinand. 

At seven o'clock that evening, the train arrived at Vien- 
na's Franz Joseph Station. From there, Franz Ferdinand and 
Sophie drove to Belvedere castle, their official residence in 
the city. Franz Ferdinand, after a light supper, then went 
on to the Sudbahnhof to catch his train to Trieste, while 
Sophie stayed over until the next morning, June 24. 

The Duchess' trip passed without further surprises. She 
traveled in a less capricious parlor car. There were no of- 
ficial receptions for her anywhere along the route, but at 
many stations large and curious crowds had turned up for 
a look. Between the Bosnian border and Ilidze she could 
see that every station had put out flags in welcome. 

On June 25, at 9:20 A.M., she and her party arrived at 
Ilidze in pouring rain. Station, surrounding buildings, Kur- 
restaurantj and many private houses along the road to the 
hotel had been decorated with flags and bunting, which 
now hung limp and sodden. Still, there was a cordial re- 
ception for her at the station, and an automobile to take 
her to the Hotel Bosna, where she and Franz Ferdinand 
were to stay. 

At the Bosna, more receptions followed for the Duchess. 
When she finally managed to withdraw to her rooms, she 
found that looking out from her first-floor windows, she had 
a fine view of the resort's well-kept park, and that the rooms 
themselves had been provided not only with quantities of 
flowers, but with elaborately carved, inlaid furniture, Ori- 
ental rugs, mosque lamps, a collection of Turkish arms, and 
other antiques loaned by Sarajevo's best firms not, per- 
haps, without the thought of making some sales to the au- 
gust visitors. Amid this Eastern splendor, she awaited her 


husband's arrival, which was scheduled for midafternoon. 

Franz Ferdinand's trip had not at first run quite so 
smoothly. He had left on June 23, the evening before 
Sophie's departure. As he arrived at the Siidbahnhof, he was 
met by a disconsolate station-master. The Sudbahndirek- 
tion, the station-master said, had put a parlor car at the 
Archduke's disposal to replace his own which had broken 
down at Chlumetz, but he was afraid that the electric wir- 
ing system had suddenly failed. In the short time before the 
train's departure, it was impossible to fix it. Would the 
Archduke mind very much if the car were to be illuminated 
with candles? 

At nine o'clock, Franz Ferdinand's secretary, who was to 
accompany Sophie the next day, came to the Siidbahnhof 
to receive his last minute instructions. The picture that 
faced him was a weird one, and he remembered it for a long 
time afterwards: at the table of the parlor car sat Franz Fer- 
dinand, framed to his right and to his left by burning 
candles. As the secretary took his leave, Franz Ferdinand 
said to him: "Good-by then; look after Her Highness, see 
that everything is all right. Get her there in good shape. 
What do you think about these lights? Just like in a grave, 
isn't it? At first my carriage is afire when it pulls into the 
station, and now this other car does not seem to be in a 
cooperative mood either. Oh well, take care of yourself. 

The next morning, at Trieste, Franz Ferdinand was 
piped aboard the battleship Viribus Unitis. On June 25, 
after an eighteen-hour trip across a calm Adriatic, he 
boarded the smaller warship Dalmat at the mouth of the 
river Narenta. Aboard the Dalmat, he was welcomed by 
Governor Potiorek and his staff, who had traveled to the 
Adriatic coast to meet their visitor* Preceded by the rev- 

The Trip to Sarajevo 41 

enue cutter Zadar, the archducal party traveled up the 
river to the small town of Metkovi, where a special train to 
Ilidze was awaiting them. Large and good-natured crowds 
had taken up positions on both banks of the Narenta for the 
entire length of the trip. Flags and brightly colored rugs 
decorated most house fronts, and in several places triumphal 
arches had been erected. In every town salutes were fired as 
the Dalmat steamed by, while the crowds waved, cheered, or 
ran along the river bank to keep up with the ship's progress. 
Some men in the crowd, dressed in native costume, sent 
exuberant shots into the air from their long-barreled guns. 

At Metkovi, Franz Ferdinand left the Dalmat > and after 
a brief reception by the local authorities entered his train. 
At Mostar, the next station, there was a two-hour stopover 
for a more elaborate reception. Mostar was the capital of 
Herzegovina, a strikingly Oriental and sunny city of about 
16,000, its mosques and whitewashed houses surrounded by 
pine, cypress, and laurel trees. 

At the station, Mostar's mayor, all of the town's leading 
dignitaries, and a band had assembled to greet Franz Fer- 
dinand. The mayor made the sort of brief but flowery ad- 
dress we seem to have lost both the taste and the talent for 

While the rays of that sun still warm us that shone on us 
through the Most Serene visit of His Imperial and Royal 
Apostolic Majesty [the mayor said; the reference was to Franz 
Joseph's trip in 1910] a new proof of the highest Imperial 
favor, the presence of Your Imperial and Royal Highness in 
our midst, brings happiness to us. 

I most humbly thank Your Royal Highness for the gracious 
visit being paid to our city and I pray that God may grant 
health and a long and happy life to Your Royal and Imperial 


Highness and Your August House. I also beg Your Royal 
and Imperial Highness to be gracious enough to lay at the 
steps of the greatest of thrones the feelings of our filial love 
for, and our devotion and unshakable loyalty to, the exalted 
person of our beloved Emperor. 

I welcome Your Royal Highness among us, in our rocky 
Herzegovina. Hurrahl 

Franz Ferdinand replied in a similar vein, ending with a 
sentence spoken in Croat: "Will you, Mr, Mayor, convey 
my most cordial salute to the inhabitants of this beautiful 
city, in whose development I take the most sincere interest/' 

At 10:30 A.M., after a tour of Mostar, the archducal party 
boarded the train again, and arrived in Ilidze, as scheduled, 
at three. A bright sun had been shining in Mostar, but in 
Ilidze it was still raining steadily. Despite the bad weather, 
a large crowd had gathered in front of the station. As the 
train moved into the station, the sound of commands to the 
waiting guard of honor could be heard, and the garrison 
band struck up Haydn's graceful national anthem, "God 
Save Francis, Our Emperor. . . ." 

Franz Ferdinand, alighting, was greeted by a number of 
military dignitaries, passed the guard of honor in review; 
found a friendly word for everyone who had come to wel- 
come him, and then proceeded to the hotel to join Sophie, 
He was in excellent spirits, and later in the afternoon he 
and Sophie decided to take an unscheduled shopping trip 
into Sarajevo, where they came face to face with one of their 


The Conspirators 

Bomb, Crucifix^ and Dagger: Narodna Odbrana 
and Ujedinjenje ill Smrt 

On October 8, 1908, two days after Austria's annexation 
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a number of men met in Bel- 
grade to found a secret organization which they named the 
Narodna Odbrana "National Defense." Among those pres- 
ent or represented at the meeting were the Serbian Foreign 
Minister, Milovan Milovanovi<5, and a number of other 
ranking ministers, officials, and generals. General Bozo 
Jankosi of the Serbian Army, a kindly looking man with a 
flowing white beard, was elected president. 

The purpose of the Narodna Odbrana was to enlist and 
train partisans, for a possible war against Austria, to cany 
on anti-Austrian propaganda in Serbia and abroad, and 
to enlist reliable spies and saboteurs in the Austrian provin- 
ces Serbia meant to annex. The Narodna Odbrana's work 
was beautifully organized and it was effective. It soon had 
agents in every important Bosnian locality informants, 



propagandists, and relay men along an underground rail- 
way that was used to smuggle fugitives from Bosnia into 
Serbia, and propaganda material, weapons, and conspira- 
tors from Serbia into Bosnia. 

In the spring of 1909, the irritated Austrians pressed the 
Serbian government to put a stop to these activities. Serbia, 
having been deserted by Russia during the annexation cri- 
sis, stood very much alone at that time, and the Narodna 
Odbrana decided to transform itself into a primarily cul- 
tural organization that would concentrate on education and 
propaganda at home rather than on espionage and violence 

While the Narodna Odbrana never became the precise 
Serbian equivalent of a Rotary Club or a Great Books Semi- 
nar, it did in subsequent years largely abandon revolu- 
tionary action. It therefore became desirable to replace it 
with a new terrorist organization. The new group's charter 
members were ten Serbian partisan leaders and army of- 
ficers. Several had played a part in the Serbian revolution 
of 1903, when they had been among those who had forced 
their way into the royal palace, shot and killed King Alex- 
ander Obrenovi<5, Queen Draga, the queen's brothers, and 
a number of cabinet ministers, and proclaimed Peter Kara- 
georgevid the new king. On May 9, 1911, the ten finally 
adopted the written statutes for a secret organization which 
they christened Ujedinjenje Hi Smrt, "Union or Death," 
but which became better known as the "Black Hand/' 

Black Hand membership very soon stood at about 300, 
Many of the early joiners were veterans of the regicide of 
1903. Most were army officers, but there also was a fair 
sprinkling of diplomats, lawyers, journalists, university pro- 
fessors, and others. By 1914, it is possible that membership 
was up to about 2,500. More would have joined had they 

The Conspirators 45 

been admitted, but the Black Hand consistently chose to re- 
main an elite organization. This was particularly true of its 
operations outside Serbia, where absolute secrecy and loy- 
alty were essential. Total Black Hand membership in Bos- 
nia-Herzegovina, for example, may never have exceeded 

The professed aim of the Black Hand was the creation, 
by means of violence, of a Greater Serbia. "This organiza- 
tion," read the first two articles of its statutes, "was created 
in order to realize the national ideal, the unification of all 
Serbs. . . . This organization prefers terrorist action to 
cultural activities; it will therefore remain secret." 

To achieve its aim, the Black Hand used methods of or- 
ganization that combined the paraphernalia of Masonic ri- 
tual with the practical efficiency of a mail order catalogue. 
At the bottom of the organizational pyramid was a large 
number of compact groups of from three to five members 
each. Above them were several district committees; above 
these a single Central Committee at Belgrade. The top of 
the pyramid consisted of a ten-member, policy making Cen- 
tral Executive Committee. Members* names were known to 
a very few people only; in general, groups were referred to 
by Roman, and individual members by Arabic code nu- 

In those Austrian and Turkish territories which the 
Black Hand meant to join to Serbia, and where it operated 
as well as in Serbia proper, the basic group was often larger, 
and had more freedom of action. "Major revolutionary 
action, however/' the statutes prescribed, "shall be made 
dependent upon the approval of the Central Committee in 
Belgrade/' Representatives from all of the "unredeemed 
territories" had a place in the Central Committee; the rep- 


resentative from Bosnia-Herzegovina was a Gadnovi<^, the 
panegyrist of 2eraji6 

Initiation of new members took place in a darkened 
room, lighted by a single candle. In the center of the room 
stood a table covered with a black cloth, on which were dis- 
played a dagger, a revolver, and a crucifix. After listening to 
a brief speech on the Black Hand's aims and rules, and on 
the dangers to which anyone joining it exposed himself, each 
candidate was asked i he was ready to swear the initiation 
oath. As he replied that he was, a cloaked, masked man a 
member of a higher group silently entered from an adjoin- 
ing room. In the presence of the masked man, the candidate 
then pronounced the following oath: 

I, ***, in joining the organization "Union or Death," 
swear by the Sun that warms me, by the Earth that nourishes 
me, before God, by the blood of my ancestors, on my honor 
and on my life, that I will from this moment until my death 
be faithful to the laws of this organization; and that I will 
always be ready to make any sacrifice for it. 

I swear before God, on my honor and on my life, that I will 
execute all missions and commands without question. 

I swear before God, on my honor and on my life, that I 
will take all the secrets of this organization into my grave 
with me. 

May God and my comrades in the organization be my 
judges if, knowingly or not, I should ever violate this oath. 

Afterwards the masked stranger shook hands with the 
novices and, still without uttering a word, left the room. 
Each new member then wrote out and signed a copy of the 
oath, which went to the Central Committee in Belgrade, 
and received his code number and the password or recogni- 
tion signal of the moment. 

The Conspirators 47 

The Black Hand's seal was in keeping with the spirit of 
the oath. The center showed a clenched fist holding an un- 
furled flag bearing a skull and crossbones. To the left of the 
flag were a dagger, a bomb, and a bottle of poison. Around 
it ran the legend Ujedinjenje Hi Smrt "Union or Death/' 

Communications between Central Committee and local 
groups were seldon put in writing, although sometimes a 
code advertisement might be placed in a reputable Belgrade 
daily read mostly by business people. Financing was by 
membership dues and by occasional collections among non- 
members. Discipline was maintained by having each mem- 
ber act as an informer "all members are obliged to ob- 
serve . . . the behavior of comrades known to them" 
and by threatening death to anyone who revealed Black 
Hand secrets. 

The organization's principal activities were the establish- 
ment of a school for guerillas and saboteurs, the appoint- 
ment of frontier officers, and political murders. It is im- 
possible to say precisely how many assassinations the Black 
Hand sponsored. Much information about the organization 
came to light at the trial of some of its leaders in 1917, but 
on this particular subject little has been revealed. It is prob- 
able, however, that the Black Hand was involved in an un- 
successful attempt to kill Emperor Franz Joseph in 1911, 
and it seems certain that in 1912 it aided in a Croat ter- 
rorist's gun plot against the governor of Croatia which 
missed the intended victim, but killed a bystander and a 

The guerilla academy was established in 191 1, in an out- 
of-the-way village near the ancient Orthodox bishopric of 
Ni5. Here students, the majority of whom came from Bos- 
nia and Herzegovina, received instruction in shooting, 
bomb-throwing, bridge-blowing, espionage, and related 


skills. Many o them had been recruited by the border 
officers, the most valuable single group of members, per- 
haps, of the Black Hand. 

By an arrangement between the Black Hand and the Ser- 
bian General Staff, there were appointed, as officers in 
charge of a half dozen crucial border stations facing Austria 
and Turkey, Black Hand members who, in addition to their 
more conventional duties, were entrusted with espionage 
and subversion. To the War Ministry, these frontier officers 
were responsible for co-ordinating espionage activities in 
those sections of Austrian and Turkish territory that lay 
across their respective posts. To the Black Hand, they were 
responsible for sponsoring and organizing revolutionary 
activities in the same areas, and for serving as links in the 
underground railway originally established by the Narodna 
Odbrana, and now taken over by the Black Hand. 

Other things which the Black Hand borrowed from the 
Narodna Odbrana were its prestige and name. The frontier 
officers did nothing to counteract the general assumption 
that the group they were secretly representing was the 
Narodna Odbrana, and with few exceptions enrolled their 
collaborators across the border in that organization rather 
than in the Black Hand. 

It all worked out to a neat bit of camouflage. Should an 
agent be caught, the Austrian police might possibly make 
him admit a connection with the Narodna Odbrana, but he 
would be unable to say anything about the Black Hand, 
since he was quite genuinely ignorant of its existence. The 
Austrians, who had found out a good deal about the activi- 
ties of the Narodna Odbrana, thus knew next to nothing 
about those of the Black Hand, and mistakenly continued 
to attribute most of the subversion in Bosnia to the older 

i. Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria- 
Este with his wife, Sophie, Duchess oi 
Hohenberg, and their three children: 
Maximillian, Ernst, and Sophie. 

Franz Ferdinand 

3. Franz Joseph I, Emperor of Austria 
and Apostolic King of Hungary. A photo- 
graph taken in 1916, the year of the Em- 
peror's death at the age of 86. 

4. Nicola Pasic, 
Minister of Serbia 

Prime 5. Colonel Dragutin Di- 
mitrijevic", called Apis 

(>. General Oskar Poti- 
orek, Governor of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina. 

1 Photogrnphie du module d'une catte d ItSgilimatlon. 

7. A Black Hand document: "Identification (Original) The Central Executive Committee 
of the Organization Union or Death hereby delegates its member No, 1873 with organizing 
a local committee in Paris, France, in the spirit of the constitution and rules of procedure 
of the organization. Results to be reported to the Central Executive Committee through 
the familiar channels." On the rubber stamp, to the left of the clenched fist holding the 
flag with a skull and crossbones, note the bomb, the dagger, and the poison bottle. The in- 
scription around it reads: "Union or Death -Central Executive Committee." 

The Conspirators 49 

The Belgrade government was in a far better position to 
know, despite the secrecy that surrounded the Black Hand 
even in Serbia. At first, there was close cooperation between 
government and Black Hand. Black Hand members held 
important positions in army and civil service; the Crown 
Prince, Alexander, reportedly gave the new organization 
26,000 dinars toward starting a newspaper, The Piemont; 
and members of the Black Hand's Central Executive Com- 
mittee took care to inform selected cabinet members of any 
major decisions they had taken. Later, relations cooled and 
even became hostile. Prince Alexander lost much of his en- 
thusiasm when, despite his cash contribution, the Black 
Hand refused him a position of leadership. More impor- 
tant, in 1914, the government, then headed by Nikola Pasi, 
engaged in a drawn-out, bitter power struggle with the 
Black Hand over the question of whether civilian or mili- 
tary control was to have priority in the territories Serbia 
had annexed during the Balkan Wars. 

Despite such friction, the government continued to be 
rather well informed about what went on in the Black 
Hand. One likely reason for this was that one of the or- 
ganization's more trusted members, a man named Milan 
Ciganovid he was to play a major role in the Sarajevo plot 
very probably was a personal agent of Pasi, and had 
joined the organization primarily to keep the Prime Min- 
ister informed of its doings. 


Thirty-seven years of age in 1914, heavy-set and quite 
bald, with an elegantly upswept moustache and the pleas- 
antest of manners, Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijevi was the 


Chief of the Intelligence Department in the Serbian Gen- 
eral Staff, and the moving spirit behind the Black Hand. 

His background and education were the customary ones 
for the professional army officer: lycee in Belgrade, then, at 
eighteen, the Military Academy. He was a popular student 
and a brilliant one. He also displayed so much restless 
activity that his fellow-students at the lycee amicably nick- 
named him Apis the Bee a name that stuck to him for 
the remainder of his life. He graduated from the Military 
Academy with such an outstanding record that he went 
directly into the General Staff. 

Even in his youth, Apis was an ardent patriot. To help 
achieve Serbian greatness, he became a specialist in revolu- 
tion, conspiracy, and assassination. He was, quite possibly, 
the foremost European expert in regicide of his time. 

He acquired this skill by much experiment and experi- 
ence. His first effort was still quite clumsy and probably 
doomed to fail from the start. In 1901, a number of young 
Serbian officers undertook to remove the autocratic and un- 
popular King Alexander and his wife Draga, a woman with 
a dubious past. The plan Apis worked out called for doing 
the killing at the Queen's Birthday Ball. A few of the of- 
ficers were to seize Belgrade's two power plants and to shut 
off the electricity. The others were to attend the Ball, and 
at the moment the lights went off were to set fire to the 
curtains, sound a fire alarm, and poison the royal couple 
during the ensuing confusion. 

The poison was secured and successfully tested on a cat; 
everything else, however, went wrong. The power stations 
turned out to be so well guarded that the officers could not 
force their way in. Moreover, the king and queen failed to 
appear at the ball. 

His first setback apparently did not disconcert Apis too 

The Conspirators 51 

badly, and in the course of pursuing the murder scheme he 
learned the value of binding conspirators together by fear 
as well as by common motive. In the winter of 1902, he 
drafted the following oath, which all the less cautious mem- 
bers of the group readily signed: 

Anticipating certain collapse of the state if the existing 
situation continues for even the shortest time, and blaming 
for this primarily the King and his paramour Draga Masin, 
we swear that we shall murder them and to that effect affix 
our signatures. In place of these dishonorable individuals, 
we shall bring to the Serbian throne Peter Karageorgevi, 
grandson of the Leader [a reference to Kara George, the 
leader of the first Serbian revolt against the Turks in 1804], 
and the legitimate son of Prince Alexander Karageorgevid. 

In the spring of 1903, amid indications that the police 
had discovered the plot, Apis, with the knowledge of one 
other officer only, destroyed the document. He did not tell 
anyone else what he had done, so that the other conspir- 
ators continued to feel endangered and thus firmly bound 
by an oath that in reality no longer existed. 

Later that year, in June, some of the group stormed the 
royal palace under cover of night, after much hectic search- 
ing found the king and queen, who had been hiding in an 
alcove behind a secret door of their bedroom, shot them 
and threw their naked and bloody bodies from the bed- 
room window into the garden below. In town, the remain- 
ing conspirators sought out and killed the others on their 
liquidation list. Early in the foray, Apis had thrown him- 
self at the palace guard, who opened fire and left him badly 
wounded. He eventually recovered, but three bullets left 
from the encounter were never removed from his body. 

The new dynasty was grateful to Apis, then a Captain, 


and to his fellow conspirators. Parliament thanked him for 
what he had done, calling him "the savior of the father- 
land." Promotions, however, did not come unusually fast 
for so outstanding an officer as Dimitrijevi^ was. One reason 
may have been that he was as critical of the new regime as 
he was unwilling to give up his secret position of power. 

Apis was held in great regard by his fellow-officers, and, 
having been appointed Professor of Tactics at the Military 
Academy, in addition to his general-staff duties, he exercised 
a profound influence over a large number of students as 
well. In the years that followed the coup of 1903, Apis, al- 
ways careful to keep to the background, became a leader in 
the fight for army reforms, against corruption in govern- 
ment, and for a Greater Serbia. "Although there was no- 
thing despotic about him, his suggestions and wishes were 
treated as commands/* a friend of his has written since, 
"One saw him nowhere, yet one knew that he was doing 
everything. . . . There was no minister of war who did 
not have the feeling of having another, invisible minister 
next to him." 

Trips to Germany and Russia taught Apis some new 
military ideas, and when the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 
broke out, the Serbian army's victories owed much to the 
strategy he had planned. He himself could take no active 
part in the fighting. Disguised as a simple partisan, he had, 
just before the beginning of the First Balkan War, made his 
way into Turkish territory and won over the most powerful 
of Albanian chieftains to the Serbian cause. He returned 
from this exploit gravely ill. For a while, his condition was 
critical. After a specialist was called in from Berlin and 
diagnosed his disease as Maltese fever, a rare and painful 
illness, he slowly improved, but he was still far too ill to 
lead any troops. In June, 1913, when he had quite recov- 

The Conspirators 53 

ered, he was appointed head of Serbian Intelligence. One of 
his first acts was to organize a very superior espionage serv- 
ice in Austria-Hungary. 

His increasing military responsibilities did not cause 
Apis to abandon conspiracy and violence. Among other 
plots, he sent a young enthusiast to Vienna to try his hand 
at killing Emperor Franz Joseph in 1911, three years later 
agreed with a Bulgarian revolutionary group to the assas- 
sination of Ferdinand of Bulgaria, and during the World 
War formulated a plot against the King of Greece. 

Apis* principal instrument for the organization of polit- 
ical terror was the Black Hand. He had been charter mem- 
ber number six, and, although nominally he was never any- 
thing but one among ten on the Central Executive Com- 
mittee, he very soon became its true leader. Partly this was 
due to the high rate of attrition among the organization's 
leadership; of the ten charter members, three died in the 
Balkan Wars, and one left Belgrade to serve at the Serbian 
Legation in Athens. But to a much larger degree it was 
Apis* personal qualities which made him the Black Hand's 
life and soul. 

Personal magnetism, great intelligence, and utter discre- 
tion combined to make Apis a wonderful organizer of what- 
ever intrigue he happened to be pursuing at the moment. 
Brave, incorruptible, modest, vastly patriotic, and totally 
ruthless, he reminds one of a number of other leaders Eu- 
rope, and more recently the Middle East, have seen since 
the French Revolution. It is a line that begins with Robes- 
pierre and ends, for the time being, with Colonel Nassar. 
Apis* weakness aside from his conviction that patriotic 
aims left no room for moral scruples was that for all his 
immediate political skill, he knew little about the world 


outside Serbia, and that he had no real sense for what was 
politically feasible and what, in the long run, was not. 

Apis Plans A Murder 

The exact dates and circumstances of how Franz Ferdi- 
nand's murder was planned although not the motives, 
for those are very plain indeed have never been estab- 
lished with absolute certainty, and probably never will be. 
The plot's surviving participants have either kept silent or 
told stories widely at variance with one another, and a writ- 
ten confession left by Apis himself (which was suppressed 
by a succession of Belgrade governments until its release by 
Tito's in 1953) is plainly a mixture of truth and untruth. 
The following account, therefore, can claim no more than 
that it is based on the most likely among several stories and 
on the testimony of the more credible among the witnesses, 
and must remain open to some amount of doubt. 

Early in November, 1913, Danilo Ili<5, a young news- 
paper editor and Black Hand member in Sarajevo, crossed 
the border into Serbia, to look up a frontier officer, Colo- 
nel Cedomir Popovi<5. Some revolutionary action, Ili said, 
ought to be taken in Bosnia. Popovi replied that to him, 
the time did not seem right for acts of open violence. 

The answer did not satisfy Ili<5. Would Popovii mind if 
he, Ili, talked things over with Apis? Popovi thought this 
an excellent idea, gave Ili money and travel papers for the 
journey to Belgrade, and asked him to stop by on the way 
back to tell him what had been decided. IH6 failed to do so, 
since he chose a different route for his return trip. Popovi6 
had reason to believe, however, that what Ilifi discussed with 
Apis was an attempt on Governor Potiorek's life. 

The Conspirators 55 

At any rate, Apis* chief aide, Major Voja Tankosic, care- 
ful as always to cover up any traces that might lead to 
Serbia, organized a meeting of some trusted Bosnian revolu- 
tionaries in France. Early in January, 1914, there came 
together in the Hotel-Restaurant St. Jerome, on the rue St. 
J6r6me in Toulouse, the pamphleteer Gainovi and two 
other Bosnian Black Hand members, Mustafa GolubiC and 
Muhamed Mehmedbasii. Golubi was a law student of 
twenty-two. Mehmedbasi<5 was a cabinetmaker from Her- 
zegovina, a Moslem in his late twenties, and this account of 
the Toulouse meeting and its consequences is based largely 
on the story he himself has told of it. 

At the St. Jr6me, according to Mehmedbasic, Gainovi 
spoke at some length on the need to arouse Bosnia by acts of 
terrorism. The three young men then debated who might 
best be assassinated, mentioning Franz Ferdinand among 
others, but settling on Potiorek as the most effective victim. 
The man chosen as the assassin was Mehmedbasi6 The 
weapon he was to use was a poisoned dagger. Ga<Hnovi pro- 
cured the poison in which to dip the dagger, and Mehmed- 
basi set out for the return trip to Bosnia. 

As his train passed into Austrian territory, he noticed that 
several policemen were searching the compartments for 
something. In some panic, he threw the dagger out of the 
window, and flushed the poison down the toilet. A while 
later he learned that the police had been after a petty thief. 

Mehmedbasi^ wrote to Gainovi to report the fiasco and 
to ask for further instructions. He also looked up IH6 in 
Sarajevo, to say that he still was ready to assassinate Po- 
tiorek. Ilia's answer was to forget about Potiorek. A decision 
had meanwhile been made, Ili said, to kill Franz Ferdi- 
nand instead. 

At what point Apis decided to have Franz Ferdinand 


murdered is not clear. That It was Apis, however, who 
planned the murder is in as little doubt as are his reasons 
for wanting Franz Ferdinand's death. 

Much nonsense has been written about Apis' motives by 
people intent on vindicating his deed. Franz Ferdinand 
supposedly was a warmonger. Apis supposedly had found 
out that the Bosnian maneuvers were nothing but the pre- 
lude to an Austrian attack on Serbia. The German Kaiser, 
during the meeting at Konopisht in June, supposedly had 
promised Franz Ferdinand his country's help in smashing 
the Serbian state. The truth was that there had been no 
such talk at Konopisht, that there was nothing sinister about 
the Bosnian maneuvers, and that Franz Ferdinand dreaded 
the thought of war with Serbia since he realized that it 
would lead to a disastrous war with Serbia's ally Russia. 
Moreover, as head of Serbian Intelligence, Apis knew very 
well what was fact and what was rumor. 

Apis decided on Franz Ferdinand's assassination not be- 
cause he thought him a warmonger, but because he feared 
the Archduke's ideas might bring about the solution of 
Austria-Hungary's nationality problems by offering major 
concessions to the monarchy's South Slavs. Greater Serbian 
agitation needed dissatisfied Serbs in Austria. Franz Ferdi- 
nand's schemes for Trialism or Federalism, if they were ever 
allowed to be put into practice, would mean the collapse of 
the Yugoslav dream. In fact, the creation of a prosperous, 
autonomous South Slav state within the Austrian Empire 
represented an even graver threat than that. Not only 
might union with Serbia lose its appeal to Austria's Serbs 
union with an Austro-Hungarian-Slav federation might 
well make sense to a great number of people in the kingdom 
of Serbia some day. 

Apis was not alone in being appalled by the prospect. In 

The Conspirators 57 

a moment of frankness, Prime Minister Nikola Pasic con- 
fided to an Italian friend during the war that he had 
trembled only once for the future of his country when he 
had found out about Franz Ferdinand's plan for reorganiz- 
ing the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. 

At about the time of the Toulouse meeting, Apis learned 
about the Archduke's forthcoming visit to Sarajevo, and he 
very quickly decided that the killing of Franz Ferdinand 
would make far greater sense than that of Potiorek. It is 
unlikely that Apis thought the murder would lead to war 
with Austria, and it is even less likely that he wanted such 
a war at that time. He made sure, however, that if the un- 
expected should happen, Serbia would not have to fight 

For some time, Apis had been working in close harmony 
with the Russian military attache 1 to Belgrade, Colonel 
Victor Artamonov. Artamonov had been providing Apis 
with money to finance his intelligence network in Austria 
at a time when the Serbian General Staff was short of funds. 
In return, Apis probably shared some of the information 
gathered by his agents with Artamonov. Apis now may have 
told the Russian attache* about the assassination scheme, 
and asked if Serbia could count on Russian aid in the 
event of war. 

When Artamonov, apparently after consulting with St. 
Petersburg, reportedly assured him that Russia would stand 
by Serbia if Austria attacked first, Apis definitely made up 
his mind to have Franz Ferdinand killed. 


The Preparations 

Coffee Shops and Terrorists 

Having decided on the murder, Colonel Dimitrijevi<5 
preferred to touch few of the actual details himself. Instead, 
he left the preparations to his principal Black Hand aide, 
Major Voja Tankosid. 

Tankosi was a kindly and gentle man in his private life, 
who was capable of acting with total ruthlessness wherever 
his political beliefs were Involved. He had played a leading 
part in the coup of 1903, when he had directed the killing 
of the queen's two brothers. During the Balkan War, he 
made a name for himself as a partisan fighter. A close as- 
sociate of Apis, he was charter member number seven of the 
Black Hand, and went on to become the commanding 
officer of its guerilla academy near NiS. 

Tankosifi had little difficulty in recruiting his assassins. 
There were, at this time, a great many disaffected young 
Bosnians in Belgrade. Some were high-school students who 
had come to Serbia to study. Others had served as partisans 


The Preparations 59 

in the Balkan Wars, and now had a good deal of time on 
their hands which they were spending in talking about rev- 
olution and Greater Serbia. Most of these youths had little 
money, although some of the ex-partisans held minor gov- 
ernment jobs. Their principal meeting places were several 
inexpensive Belgrade coffee shops, where for no more than 
the price of a cup of coffee they could sit and talk for as 
long as the mood struck them: the Zlatna Moruna or Gol- 
den Sturgeon; across from it the Zirovni Venae or Acorn 
Garland; and not far from these the Moruna or Sturgeon, 
and the Zeleni Venae or Green Garland. 

The world of these coffee shops was one of excite- 
ment, of restlessness, conspiracy, and good companionship. 
The partisans, despite the martial beards they often af- 
fected, were as a rule only a few years older than the eager 
high-school juniors and seniors in their audience. They 
talked endlessly of their recent exploits against Turks and 
Bulgarians, and of how they were looking forward to fight- 
ing the Austrians next. Both groups seemed forever to be 
living in expectation of some great happening that would 
change their lives, forever to be plotting wars and violence. 
Their poverty was sometimes bitter. There might be no 
food for a day; some of them might sleep in Belgrade's 
public shelter or in shacks they built themselves of boards 
and newspapers. It did not matter it was shared poverty. 
Beside, they felt themselves to be the vanguard of a different 
future, of the new Empire of all South Slavs. 

From among this group, Tankosid chose his recruits. He 
chose well: one absolutely trustworthy youth, who had a 
very definite idea of what the crime he was going to com- 
mit was really about, and two relative innocents. Their 
names were Gavrilo Princip, Nedjelko Cabrinovid, and 
Trifko Grabez. 


Grabez was a dark and serious-looking young man of 
nineteen. He was the son of a Serb-Orthodox priest in Pale, 
a small town about twelve miles east of Sarajevo. At the age 
of seventeen, he was expelled from school for striking one 
of his teachers. He thereupon left Bosnia for Belgrade to 
continue his schooling, passed through three high-school 
classes within about a year and a half, and in the spring of 
1914 was finishing his junior year. 

At his trial, the judge was to express some surprise over 
the rapidity of Grabez's educational progress in Belgrade, 
asking "Are our schools better than the Serbian schools, or 
are Bosnian students being favored?" Grabez gave a curt 
reply: "The spirit of instruction is different. One does not 
get five to six hours of Latin, Greek is not taught, and the 
whole emphasis is different." 

Greatly addicted to devising plans for the overthrow of 
authority, Grabez joined the Black Hand and spent much 
of his time in the company of the ex-partisans and exiles of 
the coffee shops. For all his talk of violence, his health was 
poor; he was probably suffering from consumption even 

Nedjelko Cabrinovi^, nineteen like Grabe2, and a hand- 
some, black-haired youth, had had a rather more varied 
career. His father was an Austrian police spy, and relations 
between father and son were constantly marked by bicker- 
ing and by outright hostility. His father, Cabrinovii 
claimed at his trial, failed to support him and mistreated 
him, once locking him up for three days for behaving badly 
toward a servant. (In 1924, near the tenth anniversary of 
the Sarajevo crime, Cabrinovi^s father died a suicide.) 

Cabrinovid; finished the first two years of commercial high 
school, but he was a poor student, and his father made him 
leave school at about the age of fourteen. He tried a number 

The Preparations 61 

of trades, apprenticing himself in turn to a plumber, a car- 
penter, and a typesetter. He had frequent quarrels with 
most of his employers, and quit his first job as a printer in 
anger after some superior struck him. Leaving Bosnia, he 
made his way to Belgrade, where he found work in a print 
shop specializing in anarchist literature. 

Before long, he became quite ill. Like Grabez, he was 
probably a consumptive. He returned home to Bosnia for 
a rest cure, bringing with him a number of anarchist books 
which he was fond of reading as well as printing, and which 
his mother, when she discovered them, very promptly 

After his condition improved, he went to work for a prin- 
ter in Sarajevo, took a leading part in a typesetters' strike 
in 1912, and as a result received an expulsion order from 
the city for a period of five years. Returning to Belgrade, he 
began to associate with the young revolutionaries of the 
coffee shops. When he fell ill again, and when his money 
ran short, someone introduced him to Major Milan Vasi, 
Secretary of both the Narodna Odbrana and the Black 
Hand, at the Acorn Garland cafe. 

As Cabrinovi later told it in court, he happened to have 
a volume of Maupassant stories with him at the time of 
their meeting. Vasi<5 took the book away from him, saying 
that this sort of reading was not for Cabrinovii, and gave 
him some money as well as a batch of Greater Serbian litera- 
ture. "I don't know how to thank you for your kindness," 
said Cabrinovid Vasi^ replied that he could do so by just 
being a good Serb. 

Cabrinovi, who had been first a socialist and then an 
anarchist, became a passionate nationalist in Belgrade, al- 
though there is no evidence that he was ever admitted to 
Black Hand membership. Nor would it seem probable that 


he was; for, strongly attached to whatever convinctions he 
held at the moment, and pathetically anxious to make 
everyone forget that his father was serving the Austrians as 
a police informer, Cabrinovic; had a dangerous tendency to 
be incautious and talkative. 

After some more wanderings, which included a trip back 
to Sarajevo the five year expulsion order had been com- 
muted to two months his friends procured a job for him 
at the Serbian Government Printing Office in Belgrade. It 
was here that Cabrinovi was working early in 1 9 14. 

Gavrilo Princip, the third of Tankosi's recruits, and the 
outstanding one among them, was born in July, 1894, in the 
village of Oblej, in the wild and mountainous region that 
separates Bosnia from the Dalmation coast. His father 
worked as a postman, and Gavrilo was the fourth among 
nine children, six of whom died in infancy. He attended 
high school in Sarajevo and Tuzla, but in May, 1912, he 
left Bosnia for Belgrade, ostensibly in order to continue his 
education there. 

Princip had become an active propagandist for the 
Greater Serbian cause while still at school in Bosnia, and 
in Belgrade he quickly found his way to the right coffee 
shops. He joined the Black Hand, and enrolled in Tankos- 
id's partisan academy. When his turn came to go to the 
front, however, it was discovered that his health ren- 
dered him quite unfit for actual service. The disease he was 
suffering from very probably was tuberculosis. Slight of 
build, thin lipped and pale, Princip certainly always seemed 
to look frail, if not actually ill, and it is difficult to see how 
anything but his immense strength of will ever got him ad- 
mitted to the partisan academy. 

Having been sent back by Tankosi<5, Princip spent the 
next year or so either in Belgrade or near Sarajevo, studying 

The Preparations 63 

for high school examinations and plotting revolution with 
a number of friends which included Gacinovi, Grabez, and 
Cabrinovi. His family mailed him a modest sum of money 
for his support each month, but Princip seldom seemed to 
have any of it left. Although essentially far from gregarious 
by nature, he would gladly pay for the meal of some fellow- 
student poorer than himself, or loan money to his friends, 
no matter how slim the chances of repayment. 

In February, 1914, having spent the winter in the village 
of Hadzi& near Sarajevo, Princip was back in Belgrade, pre- 
paring for his final high school examinations, and looking 
for an opportunity to strike some blow against the Aus- 

The Clean Young Assassins 

Certain similarities between Tankosi's three recruits for 
the murder are striking. They all knew each other. "Prin- 
cip was my best friend," said Cabrinovi at his trial, and 
Grabez and Princip roomed together for some time in Bel- 
grade. They were of the same age all were nineteen. They 
came from poor families, and had spent childhoods that 
were far from happy, although Princip and Grabez did not 
dislike their families with Cabrinovic^'s intensity. Legally, 
they were citizens of Austria-Hungary, ethnically, they were 
Serbs, and they felt that their loyalty belonged to Serbia, 
not to Austria. 

Aside from their compulsion to commit treason and mur- 
der, they really were good and kindly fellows. They shared 
what they had, and with the possible exception of Cabrino- 
vi, they worked and studied hard. They had had little or no 
trouble with the police. Grabez had been sentenced to two 
weeks in prison for striking his high-school teacher, and 


Cabrinovi had been told to leave Sarajevo for his activities 
in the typesetters' strike, but these two minor offenses apart, 
they had perfectly clean records. 

They were, in fact, remarkably free of bad habits. In some 
ways, it might even be said that they were excessively seri- 
ous and moral young men. They had no expensive tastes. 
They drank sparingly, if at all. They made no bad debts, 
did not gamble, and we definitely know at least of Princip 
that he was frightfully shy in the company of women. 

Their health was bad. Knowing themselves to be in more 
or less advanced stages of consumption, they believed that 
it was all but their duty to sacrifice whatever life they might 
have left to their cause. At their trial, for example, the fol- 
lowing exchange took place between Cabrinovi and his de- 
fense counsel, Dr. Premuzi: 

Premuzit; "You told me, when we talked about the 
[newspaper] Zora, that you still had some doubts at that 
moment, and that reading it made an impression on you/* 

Premuzid: "I ask the defendant to sum up the contents 
of the Zora article." 

Cabrinovit: "There was a story in it about a young Serb 
professor who had killed himself somewhere, and that he 
had acted foolishly, for by sacrificing himself he could have 
disposed of at least one of our enemies. Since he had decided 
to die, he should have killed at least one enemy." 

No murderer's motives, of course, are entirely unmixed. 
Dreams of glory that many a high-school student has 
dreamed before and since may have helped to drive them 
on 2eraji<5's martyrdom and fame called for imitation. 
They may have been seriously concerned over the poverty 
in which the ordinary Bosnian peasant lived, hoping that 
any sort of change could improve his lot. "People are re- 

The Preparations 65 

duced to complete poverty . . . ," said Princip at their 
trial. "I am the son of peasants and I know what is happen- 
ing in the villages. That is why I wanted to take revenge, 
and I regret nothing/' But since very obviously it was not 
Franz Ferdinand who had impoverished Bosnia's peasants, 
their overriding motive was a different one the creation 
of a Greater Serbia. 

Nominally, Princip, Cabrinovi, and Grabez were Serb- 
Orthodox by religion. Actually, none of them practiced his 
faith. "I am an atheist/' said Princip at the trial, and he 
might have been speaking for his friends as well. Yet while 
they were atheists, they had found a new secular belief for 
which they were ready to die with the conviction and forti- 
tude of any religious martyr. One of the most revealing ex- 
changes took place when the President of the Court, Alois 
von Curinaldi, questioned Grabez on his faith: 

Curinaldi: "Do you believe in God or are you an athe- 

Grabez: "I am a believer." 

Curinaldi: "How can you reconcile your faith with the 
destruction of one of God's creatures? You know that as far 
as religion is concerned that is a mortal sin." 

Grabez: "My faith does not go that far." 

Curinaldi: "Your father is a parish priest. What sort of 
education did he give you? Did he inculcate any religious 
feelings in you?" 

Grabel: "He gave me a religious education, within the 
framework of Holy Scripture." 

Curinaldi: "How did you follow your father's teach- 

Grabei: "I did as a child, but then, coming into contact 
with other people, there were other influences." 

Curinaldi: "These young people have no faith?" 


Grabez: "Not the faith you are thinking of, but they have 
a national religion, and that to a high degree/' 

If the national religion, the advancement of Serbo-Croat 
union, required Franz Ferdinand's death, they would kill 
him. It was that simple. 

Perhaps not all three realized what Apis' real motives 
were for wanting Franz Ferdinand killed. Possibly Grabez 
and Cabrinovi thought of him mainly as a potential enemy 
and oppressor of the Serbs, and only Princip realized fully 
that Apis had sentenced Franz Ferdinand to death not be- 
cause the Archduke was hostile to the Slavs but, on the con- 
trary, because he planned reforms that might prove far too 
attractive to them. At their trial, in order to give the Aus- 
trians no clue that might point to Apis and the Black Hand, 
the three usually took great pains to hide their true motives, 
and the extent to which they were aware of the reasons for 
Apis' decision may therefore never be known. What is cer- 
tain, however, is that none of them felt that what he was 
about to commit was a crime. 

No matter on what grounds, Franz Ferdinand had been 
declared an enemy of Serbia and of Serbo-Croat union. The 
Black Hand had decided that he should die. They were 
merely engaged in carrying out a sentence and killing an 
enemy. All that was involved, as Princip put it to Curinaldi 
and again he might have been the spokesman for the 
whole group was the removal of "an evildoer. I meant to 
do a good deed." 

Shooting Lessons and Weapons 

Apis had delegated much of the work of organizing the 
murder to Tankosi6 Tankosit, in turn, also avoided direct 
contacts with the youths as much as he could, and used yet 

The Preparations 67 

another agent for many of his dealings with them. The go- 
between was Milan Ciganovid, a twenty-six year old native 
of Bosnia, an early Black Hand member who had served as 
a partisan under Tankosid against the Bulgarians, and who 
now held a minor post with the Serbian State Railways. The 
chain of command that led from Apis to Tankosic to Ci- 
ganovic to Princip and his two associates was cumbersome, 
but it had one immense advantage. Should the youths sur- 
vive their crime, and be arrested by the Austrian police, 
they might reveal Ciganovid's name, and under extremely 
persistent questioning even Tankosi's, but they could logi- 
cally stop there, without so much as hinting that they knew 
of Apis' existence. This was an absolutely essential precau- 
tion, for should the Austrians ever discover and be able 
to prove that the man who had organized the murder was 
Colonel Dimitrijevid, Chief of Serbian Intelligence, they 
would have ample reason to accuse the Belgrade govern- 
ment of complicity, and appear justified in taking the 
strongest of measures against Serbia. 

By April, the three youths had definitely agreed to com- 
mit the murder. In May, they practiced shooting. The best 
shot among them was Princip, which was not too surprising 
perhaps in view of his having attended the Black Hand's 
partisan academy two years before. 

On May 27, Ciganovid gave them the weapons they were 
to use four revolvers and six bombs and some vials of 
poison. The guns were Belgian automatics of the most re- 
cent model. The bombs, manufactured at the Serbian State 
Arsenal of Kragujevac, were beautifully suited for assassi- 
nations. Rectangular in shape, and weighing less than two 
and a half pounds, they were harmless looking, easy to 
handle, and compact enough to carry in a coat pocket, being 
even smaller in size than the revolvers. When Cabrinovid 


removed his bomb from his pocket on June 28, one specta- 
tor thought that he was taking out a pipe. 

The bombs may have been among some weapons which 
Ciganovii had saved from the Balkan Wars; GrabeX 
claimed at the trial that he saw a whole suitcase full of 
bombs in Ciganovi*s room. The guns were bought by 

The poison was cyanide, packed in small vials carefully 
wrapped in cotton. After killing the Archduke, the three 
were under instructions to shoot themselves, and, should 
this prove impossible, they were to commit suicide by swal- 
lowing the cyanide. 

The Trip to the Border 

Since Princip, Cabrinovi<5, and Grabe2 were to use the 
underground route to Bosnia, and since the Austrians 
might be expected to have strong security forces on duty 
during the Archduke's visit, the three started for Sarajevo 
a full four weeks ahead of Franz Ferdinand's arrival at 
Ilidze. We do not know for certain whether it was Cigano- 
vi, Tankosi, or Apis himself who planned their trip; 
what we do know is that it was planned with considerable 
attention to detail. 

On May 28, Princip and his two friends left Belgrade. 
The first part of their trip, from Belgrade to the town of 
Sabac, resembled a pleasant excursion, for they traveled by 
river boat. At Sabac, a small Serbian border post facing Aus- 
tria, they went to look for the local frontier officer, Captain 
Rada Popovid Finding him at a local coffee shop playing 
cards they identified themselves by handing him a note 
bearing the letters M. G. Milan Ciganovi's initials. The 
two letters told Popovi<5 all he needed to know; the day be- 

The Preparations 69 

fore, he had been to Belgrade and received Apis' instruc- 

He left the coffee shop, and took his visitors to the cus- 
toms house. There he filled out and signed the proper forms 
indicating that they were customs officials, and hence en- 
titled to free tickets on the Serbian State Railways, and to 
half-price tickets on the private railways. (Aside from being 
well-organized, the Sarajevo plot was cheap there can 
have been few other murders in which the killers managed 
to buy tickets at reduced rates to take them to the scene of 
the crime.) He also gave them a letter to Captain Prvano- 
vi<5, the frontier officer at Loznica, some twenty miles south- 
west of Sabac. "Try to receive these people and to guide 
them where you know your way/' he wrote. 

On their arrival at Loznica, they looked up Prvanovit 
and gave him Popovi's letter. The captain picked up his 
telephone to call one of his sergeants at the frontier and to 
consult about the best border crossing point, but there was 
some trouble with the line, and he was unable to get 
through. He therefore asked the youths to be back the next 

The three spent the night at a small resort town outside 
of Loznica. Here they had their first fight. The exultant 
Cabrinovi could not refrain from writing a half dozen post 
cards to friends. On one card, he quoted these all too apt 
lines written by the nineteenth-century Serbian leader and 
national hero Kara George: 

Noble waters of the Drina 
Frontier between Bosnia and Serbia 
Soon will come the time 
When I shall cross you 
To enter faithful Bosnia. 


Princip, appalled by Cabrinovi's lack of caution, spoke 
sharply to his friend, and for some time after that refused 
to exchange another word with him. 

The next morning, Saturday, May 30, the three were sit- 
ting in a coffee shop at Loznica when a border guard en- 
tered and asked them to accompany him to the customs 
house. There they found the captain and three of his ser- 
geants of the border guard. Whose station, Prvanovi asked 
the sergeants, was the safest one for an undisclosed crossing? 
The customs guard from Ljesnica thought that his was. 
Ljesnica faced a wooded little island in the river Drina that 
separated Serbia from Austria. One might rest there. Be- 
sides, hidden pathways on the island as well as on either 
bank of the river across from it offered enough protection 
to make the region one that was greatly favored among the 
local smugglers. His post, in short, might well be the per- 
fect spot from which to take Princip and Grabe2 across. 

The suggestion was accepted, and the group split up. 
Princip and Grabez traveled north with the sergeant to try 
to slip across the border near LjeSnica, while Cabrinovi^ 
equipped with a letter of introduction from Captain 
Prvanovid went south, to try his luck at a town called Mali 



The Prime Minister's Alarm 

At about the same time, the Serbian Prime Minister, 
Nikola Pai, learned about the plot. Who his informant 
was is not certain. One guess would be that it was Cigano- 
vi, who was rumored to be Pai's confidential agent in the 
Black Hand. Another would be that someone in the Serbian 
police made the discovery. Government and Black Hand 
were at loggerheads at that period, and either the police or 
Pasi's own agents must have been on special guard against 
any unusual Black Hand activity. 

Pai went into conference with the Minister of the In- 
terior, Stojan Proti, and several other cabinet members. 
Serbia was not ready for a major war the Balkan Wars 
were still far too recent and Pai had no desire to run 
the risk of conflict with Austria at that particular moment. 
The decision reached, therefore, was to prevent Franz Fer- 
dinand's murder by the simple device of stopping the as- 



Proti sent the necessary orders to the frontier authorities 
along the Drina not to let Princip, Grabez, and Cabrinovi 
pass. In theory, the frontier officers came under the Minis- 
ter of the Interior's authority; their involvement with Black 
Hand work was something that, in theory again, was no part 
of their official functions which were those of guarding 
the borders rather than of smuggling assassins across them. 
The frontier officers, however, sent word that it was too late 
for any effective action. The three youths, their message 
went, already had crossed into Austria. Whether this was 
true, or whether the frontier officers had chosen to follow 
Apis' rather than Proti's orders Is a matter of conjecture 
again, since the precise date on which the Minister's in- 
structions went out has never been revealed. 

An Inadequate Warning 

A truly unenviable dilemma now confronted PaSid He 
had two main courses of action open to him. One was to con- 
sider that he had done his duty by trying to stop the assas- 
sins at the border, and to let further events take their own 
course. The other was to prevent the murder by giving the 
Austrians the facts about the plot. 

If he did nothing, and the assassins succeeded, he would 
have to share some of the guilt for Franz Ferdinand's death. 
Worse, if the assassins confessed their Belgrade connections, 
Serbia would face some very embarrassing Austrian ques- 
tions and demands, and the possibility of war. 

If, on the other hand, he revealed the plot to the Aus- 
trians, he might well find himself the next victim marked 
for assassination by the Black Hand. PaSi was no coward, 
but there were other dangers involved as well, Telling the 
Austrians the facts would mean admitting the extent to 

Pasid 73 

which the Serbian government was aware of, and had tol- 
erated, those subversive activities which it always dis- 
claimed. Beside, a parliamentary election was coming up 
in Serbia that summer. Many Serbian voters would con- 
sider the assassins heroes not murderers. Should it ever be- 
come known that Pasic: had delivered these youths and their 
Bosnian helpers to the Austrian police, he might just as 
soon announce his retirement from politics and save him- 
self the bother of an election campaign. 

Finding himself in this quandary, Pasid chose a course of 
action very much in keeping with his character. A liberal 
at home, and a pan-Serb abroad. Pasi owed the many years 
he had spent in office to his considerable popularity, to his 
shrewdness, and to his immense political skill, which in- 
cluded the exercise of great caution in critical situations. 
Pai was the owner of a magnificent, flowing white beard; 
"the beard will manage all right" was a phrase often heard 
among his supporters when matters looked dangerous or 
hopeless. He frequently did. 

From the regicide of 1903 until his death in 1926, it was 
Pasi who, with few interruptions, held power in Serbia. 
Yet, significantly enough, Pai had taken pains to avoid 
making any advance commitments to the regicides, and at 
the height of the crisis, he simply could not be found any- 
where in Belgrade. Or there was the story very likely apoc- 
ryphal told about an interview he supposedly gave to a 
foreign correspondent. As he was talking to the journalist, 
his wife entered the room. PaSid rose, and introduced her 
as Jeanne Pa3i<5. After the journalist had left, Mme. Pasi 
angrily turned to her husband. Why, she asked him, had he 
introduced her by that name; surely he must remember 
that her name was Georgina. Pai's supposed reply was that 
he had some excellent reasons. Very probably, he said, the 


correspondent would mention the meeting with the prime 
minister's wife. If his article should prove politically em- 
barrassing, one could always deny his entire account by say- 
ing that Pasi could not possibly have introduced his wife 
under the name of Jeanne, when everyone knew that it was 

Pasi now decided that what he would do was to warn the 
Austrians through the Serbian Minister in Vienna, but to 
make the warning neither formal nor specific. This form of 
warning, if extremely well handled, had the advantage that, 
without giving too many of the facts away, it might be suffi- 
cient to absolve him from any further responsibility for 
what would happen to both Franz Ferdinand and the 
would-be assassins. The trouble with it was that it probably 
was too clever by far, and that it definitely was badly 

The Serbian Minister to Vienna was a pan-Serb named 
Jovan Jovanovi, whose extremist views were so well known 
that the Austrians had on several occasions hinted to Bel- 
grade that they would not mind at all if he were to be re- 
called. The Court snubbed him, and the Foreign Minister, 
Count Berchtold, greatly preferred not to receive him. A 
practice therefore developed by which Jovanovi would 
have most of his dealings not with the Foreign Minister, 
but with the Minister of Finance, Bilinski, with whom he 
got along much more easily. It was an unusual arrange- 
ment, but old Austria abounded in unusual arrangements. 
Beside, it made some sense in this case, since administra- 
tively, Bosnia and Herzegovina came under the jurisdic- 
tion of Bilinski's Ministry. 

Pa3i's instruction to alert the Austrians, and yet to do so 
in an innocuous manner, severely taxed JovanovWs diplo- 
matic ingenuity. He was, at that time, the Black Hand's 

Pasic 75 

choice for the Foreign Ministry in the event that Pasi's gov- 
ernment should be overthrown, and he could make no dis- 
closure that contained even the slightest risk of putting the 
Austrians on that organization's trail. Nor could he afford 
to create the impression that his government was trying to 
intimidate the Austrians to the point of making Franz Fer- 
dinand abandon his Bosnian trip. 

Late In May or early in June, Jovanovi called Bilinski's 
secretary to say that he would like to see the Minister some 
time. There was no hurry about it, he added, and the ap- 
pointment was set for a date several days later. 

On June 5, Jovanovii had his interview with Bilinski. 
What he was about to tell him, Jovanovid said, was purely 
on his personal initiative. (The use of the phrase "personal 
initiative" is a time-honored and useful diplomatic prac- 
tice. Translated into nondiplomatic language, its meaning 
is roughly that the person using it Is speaking in the name 
of his government no diplomat who wishes to remain one 
ever makes truly private suggestions involving policy to a 
foreign government but that, if so desired, no official cog- 
nizance need be taken of his words. In this fashion, should 
his proposals be accepted, nothing has been lost. Should 
they be disregarded, the rejection will cause his home gov- 
ernment no loss of prestige, since for the record, they had 
never been made in the first place.) 

He had heard, Jovanovi said, that the Bosnian maneu- 
vers were to be held along the River Drina, and that Franz 
Ferdinand was to be in personal charge. (Both assumptions 
were incorrect. Franz Ferdinand was a guest at the maneu- 
vers, the commanding general being Potiorek, and the lo- 
cation of the maneuvers was about fifty miles west of the 
Drina, and thus at a safe distance from the Serbian border.) 
He then, according to his own report, told Bilinski: "If that 


is true, I can assure Your Excellency that this will cause 
much discontent among the Serbs, who will consider it a 
provocative gesture. Maneuvers, under such circumstances, 
are a dangerous thing. Some young Serb might put a live 
rather than a blank cartridge in his gun, and fire it. That 
bullet might hit the man who provoked him. Therefore it 
might be good and reasonable if Archduke Franz Ferdinand 
were not to go to Sarajevo, and if the maneuvers were to 
take place neither on St. Vims' Day [June 28] nor in Bos- 

Bilinski, presumably unfamiliar with the meaning of the 
phrase "personal initiative/' and far from guessing that he 
was being warned about an actual assassination plot, tried 
to reassure Jovanovid No, he said, he really could not be- 
lieve that the maneuvers would have such an effect. Accord- 
ing to his information, things had been quite peaceful in 
Bosnia recently. As the frustrated Jovanovi took his leave 
the kindly Bilinski tried to humor him. "Let us hope noth- 
ing does happen/ 1 he said. 

Back at the Serbian Legation, Jovanovi confessed to the 
military attach6 that he was worried; Bilinski had not 
seemed at all impressed by his warning. Nor is it possible to 
see how he could have been. On the basis of quite inaccur- 
ate premises, and in the vaguest of terms, Jovanovi<5 had 
warned him not so much of an assassination plot as against 
holding the Bosnian maneuvers which certainly were 
none of the Finance Minister's business. Nor was Franz Fer- 
dinand's trip any of Bilinski's concern. Even though Bosnia 
and Herzegovina were under the jurisdiction of his Minis- 
try, Franz Ferdinand was visiting the region in his capacity 
as Inspector General of the Armed Forces, so that all ar- 
rangements for the trip became the responsibilty of Gen- 
eral Potiorek, as the ranking military figure. Bilinski's Min- 

PaSid 77 

istry, In fact, didn't even receive a copy of the travel pro- 

Despite his misgivings, Jovanovi did not take the matter 
up again in plainer terms either with Bilinski or with any- 
one else in Vienna. Bilinski, for his part, attached so little 
importance to Jovanovic's remarks that while he may have 
repeated them in an equally casual manner to Berchtold 
there is sharp contradiction between the witnesses in- 
volved whether he informed the Foreign Minister at all, 
and no document mentioning any Serbian warning has 
been found in the archives of the Austrian Foreign Min- 
istry he did not consider it necessary to report the con- 
versation to either the Emperor or to Franz Ferdinand. 
Europe was a very large step closer to the World War. 

The Black Hand Votes Against Apis 

A more promising attempt to halt the assassination came 
from an unexpected quarter. On June 14, 1914, Apis called 
a meeting of the Black Hand's Central Executive Commit- 
tee in Belgrade. So far, only he, Tankosi, Ciganovi, and 
perhaps one or two other Black Hand members had been in- 
volved in planning the murder. Apis now informed the en- 
tire Central Committee of the plot against Franz Ferdinand. 

It must have been a memorable meeting. Apis* influence 
had long dominated the Black Hand. The Committee mem- 
bers were not exactly squeamish many of them had been 
among the regicides of 1903, and all of them were satisfied 
that the pan-Serb aim justified violence. Yet when con- 
fronted with this bald plan for killing the Austrian Heir to 
the Throne, they sobered, for it was plain that they might 
be inviting war. 

A long and violent debate ensued. Apis stubbornly de~ 


fended his position. The opposition, equally vocal, was 
stronger; at the end, a large majority voted against Apis' 

Apis gave in. He would call the assassination off, he prom- 
ised the Committee. The promise was without meaning. 
Apis later assured one member of the Committee that he 
had indeed sent an emissary out after the assassins to dis- 
suade them from their deed, but that they had refused. This 
story constitutes the sole evidence that Apis so much as tried 
to carry out the Committee's vote. 


Crossing the Drina 

&abrinovi'$ Journey 


Official No.: 

Dear Sunid: 

Please help this boy cross the border from Mali Zvornik 
with his passport. It should be safer, Jakovljevic" can ac- 
company him. 

In case Suni<5 should not be in Mali Zvornik, this letter 
is addressed to Mr. Milan Jakovljevic*. 



Bearing this letter from the helpful Captain Prvanovii, 
Cabrinovi arrived at the town of Mali Zvornik, on the 
Serbian side of the border, on May 30. Sunic", chief of the 
customs office, was in fact absent, so Cabrinovi looked up 
Jakovljevic*, a local teacher and one of the agents along the 
underground railway. 



Jakovljevi took Cabrinovi^ to the Serbian frontier post, 
where he asked a guard to make the proper exit notations 
in Cabrinovi<!:'s passport. Actually, the travel documents 
Cabrinovi was carrying were not his own, but Grabez's. 
The two had traded passports before separating at Loznica; 
Cabrinovi^s name was too well known to the Austrian 
police as that of a troublemaker and hence might cause 

While the Serbian guard busied himself with the travel 
papers, Cabrinovii and his companion went to have a cup 
of coffee. When they had finished, they strolled back and 
picked up the passport. The two of them then walked to 
the neighboring town of Zvornik, which was on the Austrian 
side of the border. Cabrinovi, still using GrabeiTs name, 
registered at the Austrian frontier post, exchanging a few 
words of small talk with the guard on duty* 

Having completed these formalities, they walked into 
town, and Jakovljevi<5 introduced CabrinovW to a man 
named Daki<5, who was Secretary to the mayor of Zvornik 
and the next agent along the underground route to his side 
of the border. 

Daki took Cabrinovi<5 to dinner, found him a place to 
stay overnight, and the next morning, May 31, told him 
where and when the mail coach for Tuzla was leaving. 
Cabrinovi<5, setting out on foot, caught the coach a short 
distance out of town, and soon arrived in Tuzla. Tuzla 
was a small industrial town on the way to Sarajevo, about 
twenty-five miles east of Zvornik, where the three youths 
had agreed to meet again if they succeeded in crossing the 
border. At Tuzla, Cabrinovi settled down to wait for his 
Mends, whose trip meanwhile was going much less 
smoothly than his had. 

8 Gavrilo Princip (right) in Belgrade. Seated with him on a park bench is Trifko Grabez 
at the extreme left. The man between them may be Milan Ciganovic. 

9. Gavrilo Princip in 
prison following his ar- 

10. Danilo Ilic" 

11. Trifko Grabez 

2. Vaso fiubrilovifi 

15, Cvijetko Popovi6 

14. MiSko Jovanovid 

15. Veljko 

Crossing the Drina 81 

Border-guards and Smugglers: Princip and Grabez 
Cross the Frontier 

Grbi, the sergeant of the Serbian border guard whom 
Captain Prvanovi had assigned as a guide to Princip and 
GrabeX, took his charges to his post at Ljesnica. He saw to 
it that they were given a place to sleep at the Ljesnica 
border guards' barracks, and the next morning, May 31, he 
ferried them across the Drina to Isakovic Island. Isakovic, 
while still Serbian territory, was situated next to the 
Austrian frontier, and on the side facing Austria the river 
was narrow and shallow enough to be traversed on foot. 

On the island, the three travelers went to a local inn and 
waited for a peasant with the euphonious name of Mio 
Mii to turn up. Mici was a young farmer who lived on 
the Austrian side of the border. As he told the Court later, 
he was in the habit of making frequent trips to the island to 
drink Serbian plum brandy, and "to dance and have fun 
with the girls." 

Mii, disappointingly, did not come that day, and the 
three spent the night in the innkeeper's house. The next 
day, when Micic did drop in, Sergeant Grbi told him how 
he might help. "These are two students," he explained. 
"They're from Sarajevo; they want to go to Tuzla." Mii 
was ready to be of assistance. He would go, he said, and 
fetch a car for Princip and GrabeJ. The sergeant told him 
that he had not quite understood him. "They'll have to 
pass secretly; they have no passports." Mi&6, said Grbi, 
was to go back and fetch his friend Jakov Milovi6. 

While MI2i probably was no smuggler at least not 
a professional one Milovi<5, a farmer in his forties from 
another nearby village, definitely was. In addition to smug- 
gling for profit, he acted as a courier and guide on the 


underground railway, either for reasons of conviction, or 
because the Serbian border guards closed their eyes to his 
smuggling activities in return for these other services. 

Milovi was in no hurry to comply with Grbi's request. 
"Later maybe; I can't do it now/' he said, and went to have 
a look at his corn field near the border. 

Mii<5 returned to the island to report to Grbi. "Jakov is 
coining/' he said reassuringly. In court later, this prompted 
a surprised question from the judge. Whenever the trip 
was being mentioned during the trial, Princip and Grabez 
were thoughtful enough to try to clear the great many peo- 
ple who had aided them along the route by saying that they 
had threatened them with dire reprisals if they refused to 
help or if they disclosed what they had seen. Mici told a 
similar story in court. Grbi, he said, had warned him that 
if he valued his life, he must say nothing about their meet- 
ing. Here the judge interrupted. Why, he asked Mii, had 
he voluntarily gone back to join the travelers on the island 
after hearing such threats? Mici had an obvious answer: 
"I returned. I had not finished my brandy/' 

At three o'clock in the afternoon, Milovi turned up at 
the inn, and at dusk, the party left the island. They walked 
quietly and in single file, at a distance of about twenty feet 
from one another. Milovi, who looked like the smuggler 
that he was, led the way. Mii followed. Then came the 
two students. At one point, Mii wordlessly dropped out 
and left for his home. No one spoke. It had been raining 
hard that day, and the pathways they were using were 
muddy as well as rough, but it was essential that they 
avoid the main roads. Princip and GrabeX had to pay close 
attention in order not to stumble, but Milovi seemed to 
be familiar with every part of the wooded terrain through 
which they were passing, and they met neither Austrian 

Crossing the Drina 83 

border guards nor policemen. In court later, Milovi could 
not hide his professional pride. He could have taken them 
across undetected even i it had been daytime, he said. 

After walking for some time, they reached Milovi's 
house, and took a brief rest. They were safely inside Aus- 
trian territory now, but they were still a good twenty-five 
miles from Tuzla. Still guided by Milovi, they started on 
their way again, but it was beginning to rain so hard and to 
get so dark that they decided to stop and spend the night in 
a deserted cottage near the edge of the woods, not far from 
the house they had j ust left. 

The Underground Railway: Continuing 
On to Priboj 

In the morning, they walked on until they came to a 
farm owned by Obren MiloSevi^, a friend of Milovi's. 
(Novelists are fortunate; they can invent obviously different 
names for their characters and thus spare their readers 
much confusion. In a historical narrative like this, one can 
only record that the names of Princip's and Grabez's suc- 
cessive guides were Mii<5, Milovi, and Milosevic, and 
hope.) At Milosevic's farm, they had some coffee and asked 
to be given bags to carry their weapons in. They had been 
hiding them under their clothing while crossing the 
border, but they found this too uncomfortable to do for 
long. MiloSevi<5 obliged, and found them some pieces of 
cloth for wrapping the weapons as well as the bags they had 
asked for. 

At the trial, Miloevi played the role of the simple- 
minded Balkan peasant to the hilt. He had had no idea, he 
said, what the youths were about, and pleaded innocent 
the actual exchange going like this: 


Judge: "Are you guilty?'* 

Milosevic; " God willing, no." 

When one lawyer asked whether he had not thought it 
strange to have two young students turn up at his farm 
with bombs and guns, his reply went: "How could I think 
that? If intelligent people, people with an education, act 
like that, how can I, a simple fellow, find fault with it? Sir, 
I thought they were government officials/' 

Accompanied now by Milosevic^ as well as Milovid, who 
were carrying the arms, the two presumed government of- 
ficials walked through the woods for nearly four hours 
until they reached the outskirts of the small town of Priboj. 
They stopped frequently on the way, to make sure they 
were not being seen, and once, when they noticed the 
imprints of heavy boots on the soft and muddy soil, they hid 
for a while, since they feared that the imprints had been 
made by the police. 

Outside Priboj they hid again, in a meadow behind a 
thicket, while their two guides went to fetch the local 
agent on the underground route, Veljko Cubrilovii, a 
young school teacher. Cubrilovii was riding to a funeral in 
a nearby village with the Priboj parish priest, but the 
peasants managed to intercept him. Milovii took him 
aside, and told him about his two charges. Cubrilovid made 
his excuses to the priest. The water really was too high for 
him to go on, he said. The priest laughed, and called him 
a coward, and rode on alone. 

Princip and Grabez went out into the road as they saw 
their guides return with Cubrilovid They explained who 
they were, and asked Cubrilovi to arrange for their trans- 
portation to Tuzla. Turning to Milovi and Miloevi 
no longer needed as guides now they gave them some 
money for their trouble, and let them take their departure. 

Crossing the Drina 85 

Cubrilovid put the arms in his saddlebag, and, while 
being told about the purpose of the trip, took Princip and 
Grabez to the house of a prosperous old farmer he knew 
named Mitar Kerovid. 

On reaching Kerovid's house, however, Grabez, who felt 
exhausted and miserable after all the walking he had done, 
wasted no time in pulling off his shoes and falling into bed. 

Sitting around the living-room table with Kerovid and 
his three sons, Princip and Cubrilovid meanwhile were 
discussing the safest way to reach Tuzla. The farmer's 
youngest son, Ned jo, had recently hurt his hand with an 
axe, and Cubrilovid had an inspiration. "Let Nedjo go to 
Tuzla today before the wound gets worse," he suggested. 
"That way, they can go with him." 

Nedjo's eldest brother shrugged his shoulders. He did 
not mind the idea, but who, he wanted to know, would pay 
for the cart? 

Cubrilovid reassured him: "The cart will be paid for." 

The matter settled, the men began to talk about some 
coming local elections, and about the saddlebag which 
Cubrilovid had brought in with him. Cubrilovid had been 
reluctant to touch the bombs at first, but Princip and 
Grabez had eased his fears by telling him that the bombs 
could not explode until the caps were unscrewed, and the 
bombs themselves were knocked against some hard object. 
The school teacher was drinking glass after glass of plum 
brandy now, and feeling boastful. 

"Do you know who these people are?" he asked the 
Kerovides. "They're going to Sarajevo to throw bombs and 
kill the Archduke who is going to come there." 

Crossing over to the bed where he had placed his sad- 
dlebag, Cubrilovid took out a bomb and displayed it to 
his hosts. Princip joined him, and demonstrated how to 


unscrew and throw the bomb. For good measure, he also 
brought out a revolver for the company to admire. 

This, no doubt, was the ugliest aspect of the assassins* 
trip: hiding from the police and needing helpers, they left 
behind them a terrible trail of people whom they had 
implicated in their deed. The Kerovies were truly simple 
peasants. In court, for example, all of them were vague 
about such basic facts as their own ages. "How old are you," 
the judge asked one of the sons, himself the father of five 
children. "I don't know," came the answer. "My father 
should know." Semiliterate, their interest in international 
affairs was negligible, and their information about the 
aims of pan-Serbism small. (Their vagueness, incident- 
ally, extended to certain other personal matters as well. 
"Were you drunk that night," the judge asked old Mr. 
Kerovid Kerovid, an impressive figure of a Bosnian farmer 
with prominent cheekbones, a large hooked nose, and a 
splendid white walrus moustache, admitted that he had 
been. Just how much, the judge wanted to know, had he 
had to drink? Kerovi: "When I drink, I don't keep count. 
I drink as much as I can." His defense counsel tried to 
interfere. Had he really forgotten how much he had had? 
Kerovi<5, petulantly: "I don't know. I take my flask and 
drink what I can.") 

Yet for all their lack of sophistication, Mitar Kerovi and 
every one of his sons, along with many others, later found 
themselves arraigned in court on the two capital charges 
of treason and of being accessories to murder as a result 
of Princip's and GrabeFs visit. Very possibly, the way one 
of the Kerovies tried to plead, while unusual, was truthful 

Judge: "Are you guilty?" 

Jovo Kerovid: "I don't know. How should I know?" 

Crossing the Drina 87 

The Underground Railway: The Last Stage 

Late that night, June 2, at about eleven o'clock, Princip 
and Grabez left the house. Nedjo and a friend of his 
carried the weapons, and all four got into the cart. Grabez 
had recovered a bit, but still did not feel very talkative. It 
had stopped raining, and the night was beautiful and clear 
so clear, in fact, that the young men were concerned 
that they might be seen by some passing police patrol. 

Still, Grabe2 and Princip managed to get some sleep, 
while Nedjo and his friend did the driving. At one village 
along the way there was a police barracks, and thus some 
definite danger. Princip and Grabez knew about it, how- 
ever, since they had brought a special map with them 
from Belgrade, showing the location of every police bar- 
racks in Bosnia. They therefore left the cart before reach- 
ing the village, walked around it, and re-entered the cart 
at a safe distance, whereupon they went to sleep again. 

Arriving at the outskirts of Tuzla early the next morn- 
ing, the two students got out, and went to wash themselves 
in a nearby river. Princip's clothes were covered with mud 
and dirt after the walk through the woods and the ride in 
the peasants' cart. Not wishing to run the risk of being 
arrested on a vagrancy charge at this point, he bought a 
new pair of trousers. Having washed and changed, he and 
Grabel had some breakfast at a coffee shop in town, sitting 
at different tables and pretending not to know each other. 

Their drivers, meanwhile, had gone on into Tuzla with 
the weapons to see MiSko Jovanovi, a distant relative of 
Veljo Cubrilovii, the Priboj agent on the underground 
route. Jovanovii was a middle-aged and eminently respect- 
able businessman in Tuzla. He was a director of a local 
bank, the president of a school board, a member at the Serb- 


Orthodox Episcopal Council, and, among his unlisted 
activities, the local agent on the underground railway. He 
lived in a building which housed Tuzla's cinema of which 
he was the manager his private apartments, and a Serb 
reading and club room. 

Nedjo and his friend gave Jovanovid the weapons and 
a note from Cubrilovifi reading "Miko, receive these 
people/' adding that the people mentioned in the note 
would meet him in the Serb reading-room at nine that 
morning. Nedjo then went on to the hospital to have 
his injured hand looked after, while Jovanovid took the 
guns and bombs and placed them in his hall closet. Later, 
he began to worry whether this was a good hiding place; 
his wife kept some of her kitchen utensils in there, and 
might stumble against them. He got out an old box, put the 
arms inside, and took it upstairs to the attic, where he hid 
it behind some bricks. He still felt far from pleased about 
having the arms in his house, however. 

Punctually at nine, he met Princip and GrabeX in the 
reading-room, and hopefully asked them if they would 
not like to pick up their arms. The boys declined they 
were in the country illegally, and controls around Sarajevo 
were bound to be extremely strict in view of Franz 
Ferdinand's expected arrival. Would Jovanovi be kind 
enough to take the weapons to Sarajevo for them? 

It now was their host's turn to say no. He could not 
take the risk, Jovanovid said, but he was willing to keep 
the weapons for them for a few days. Princip agreed. Some- 
one would come by, he promised, identify himself by 
showing Jovanovid a pack of Stefanifa cigarettes, and pick 
up the arms. 

Princip and Grabe2 then took their leave, and joined 
Cabrinovi who, having reached Tuzla three days ahead 

Crossing the Drina 89 

of his friends, had been waiting for them in town so that 
they could travel the rest of the way to Sarajevo together. 
They found Cabrinovid slightly worried. The day before, 
he had gone to a restaurant to eat lunch, and there had run 
into a detective he knew from Sarajevo. They had talked 
about Cabrinovid's family. He saw his father quite often, 
the detective said, and everybody was doing very well. 
Cabrinovid grew careless, and mentioned that he had been 
to Belgrade. The detective became interested. "How is life 
there?" he asked. "Not so good," complained Cabrinovid 
with some presence of mind. "Wages are low and life is 
expensive. If you want a fairly decent meal, it costs you a 
dinar and a half, if you're satisfied with less, it costs you a 

The detective went on to eat his lunch, pleased pre- 
sumably at the low cost of living in Bosnia, and apparently 
suspecting nothing. Cabrinovid also had had the bad luck 
to be seen by another official who knew him, however, and 
he suggested to his two friends that they all leave as soon 
as possible. 

The same day, therefore, the three young men took the 
train to Sarajevo. Entering their compartment, they met 
an old friend the detective who had been Cabrinovid's 
luncheon companion. Princip took one good look at the 
guileless policeman, and decided that he need not worry 
about him. 

Cabrinovid and the detective made some small talk. 
Things were busy these days in Sarajevo, the detective 
volunteered. The city was expecting the arrival of none 
less than the Austrian Heir to the Throne. When was he 
going to be there, asked Cabrinovid, and the detective 
obliged him with the date. 

On their arrival in Sarajevo that evening, June 3, the 


three friends separated Grabez to go to his home town 
of Pale, Cabrinovi to live with his family in Sarajevo, 
and Princip to stay with a friend of his in town. Quite 
possibly, the whole conspiratorial apparatus of their 
journey from. Belgrade to Sarajevo had been a needless 
bit of romantic folderol. All of them were Austrian sub- 
jects; had they returned to Bosnia as peaceful travelers, 
there was no legal reason why anyone should have stopped 
them at the frontier. They would have been left with the 
problem of procuring the weapons, but these could either 
have been bought in Bosnia, or been smuggled in for them 
from Serbia. Whether necessary or not, however, the 
decision had been made to travel by the Black Hand's 
underground railway, and, as their trip proved, that route 
was working to perfection. 



Ilic's Parallel Action: Mehmedbasic 

The friend In whose house Princip stayed at Sarajevo 
was Danilo Ili, a twenty-three year old fellow-revolution- 
ary. Hid was a rather tall and good-looking young man, 
with calm blue eyes and a pale and sensitive face that 
suggested the poet. He had attended the State Teachers' 
College in Sarajevo on an Austrian government scholar- 
ship, had taught school briefly at a small town in Eastern 
Bosnia, but had fallen ill and resigned. He returned home 
to recuperate at the house of his widowed mother, and 
when his health improved worked at a local bank for about 
half a year. 

In 1913, he went to Belgrade. A leader of the local 
Bosnian revolutionary organization Mlada Bosna, and an 
old and close personal friend of Ga<5inovi the pam- 
phleteer and apologist for the would-be murderer 2eraji 
Ilii had no difficulty in finding his way to the right coffee 



shops. He also joined the Black Hand, and won the con- 
fidence o Apis. 

When his illness recurred, he went back to Sarajevo. 
For a while, he found employment as a proofreader, and 
then became an editor of a local Serb paper. He drew no 
regular salary, but was paid for whatever articles he con- 
tributed. He was the owner of a house that brought him 
a modest amount of rent each month, but his combined 
income as a landlord and a journalist was not enough to 
live on, and it proved necessary for Ili's mother to pay 
many of his bills. It also is possible that he received an 
occasional gift of money from the Black Hand. If so, Bel- 
grade's money was well spent, for Ili possessed a very 
considerable influence over the young students of his 
acquaintance, and proved to be a generally able and 
discreet organizer of secret activities. 

While the preparations for the murder were being made 
in Belgrade, Ili had been corresponding with Princip. 
When Princip wrote him around Easter, 1914, that the 
assassination had definitely been decided on, Ili set about 
recruiting three local youths who were to join in the crime. 

One of Ili's recruits was Muhamed Mehmedba5i, 
whose attempt to kill Governor Potiorek that January had 
failed before it started when MehmedbaSici had panicked 
and rid himself of both poison and dagger as his train was 
crossing the Austrian border. IH<5 now wrote him a letter 
Mehmedbai<5 was living in Herzegovina and asked him 
to come to the provincial capital of Mostar, to discuss an 
important matter. It is not likely that Ili<5 had many 
illusions about MehmedbaSid's reliability after this earlier 
fiasco, but he was needed for the political effects which his 
participation in the murder would create. MehmedbaSi 
was a Moslem; all the other conspirators were Serbs. If the 

Waiting 93 

Austrians were to arrest none but Serbs, people might say 
that theirs obviously was the only disaffected group. The 
name Muhamed Mehmedbasid, on the other hand, the 
plotters hoped, might create the impression of more gen- 
eral discontent. They must have been gravely disappointed 
that no likely Croat assassin was in sight to join their group. 

Franz Ferdinand, Hid told Mehmedbasid when they met 
at Mostar, was going to visit Sarajevo in June, and Belgrade 
was in favor of killing him rather than Potiorek first. The 
bombs and guns would be provided by Belgrade, Hid added. 
Was Mehmedbasid willing to take part in the murder? 

Mehmedbasid said that he was, but that he had one 
objection. At Toulouse, he had definitely promised Gacino- 
vid to kill Potiorek, he said, and he would like to get Gadino- 
vid's consent to the change of plan. 

They wrote a joint letter to Gadinovid, who, fully in- 
formed about the scheme against Franz Ferdinand, sent 
a quick and succinct reply: "Forward Lions." Mehmed- 
basid promised Hid that he could count on him. 

Two More Assassins Are Recruited 

Hid also enlisted two recruits in Sarajevo. He first talked 
to a friend of his from the State Teachers' College named 
Lazar Djukid. Djukid once had mentioned in front of Hid 
that if only the arms could be procured, one ought to kill 
Franz Ferdinand when he came to Sarajevo. Hid now gave 
Djukid the good news that the arms were available. Was 
he willing to be one of the assassins? 

Djukid, confronted with a concrete scheme for murder, 
lost his enthusiasm and begged off. He volunteered, how- 
ever, to introduce Hid to a friend of his who, he said, would 
probably be pleased to take his place. The friend was 


Vaso Cubrilovi, a seventeen-year-old Sarajevo high-school 
sophomore and a brother of Veljko Cubrilovi<5, the Priboj 
agent on the underground route who had helped Princip 
and Grabez on their trip. Cubrilovi<5 not only agreed to 
take part in the plot, but when Ili mentioned that he 
needed one more assassin, said that he thought he knew 
just the right person, and that he would gladly talk to him 
about it. 

The fellow he had in mind was a friend, Cvijetko 
Popovi, a brilliant high-school student of eighteen. 
Popovi immediately declared his readiness, and Ilia's 
Sarajevo group was complete. 

Whether the two had any inkling of why Apis wanted 
the Archduke dead is extremely doubtful. Their answers 
in court certainly do not suggest it, but rather reflect the 
phraseology of political pamphlets read avidly and under- 
stood imperfectly. 

Why, the presiding judge, von Curinaldi, asked Popovi, 
had he wished for Franz Ferdinand's death? "He possessed 
influence/' said Popovi. Curinaldi asked Popovi to elab- 
orate. Just what did he think of the Archduke? 

Popovid: "I had the impression that he liked us other 
Slavs better than the Magyars. I heard that when he came 
to Budapest, he only stayed for an hour." 

Curinaldi: "Is that really your conviction?" 

Curinaldi: "In that case, should you not have wanted 
him to stay alive in the interest of the Slavs?" 

Popovi6: ". . Through him, I wanted to revenge myself 
on those groups who oppress the Slavs .... I thought that 
such vengeance would be an effective warning to the ruling 

CubrilovI6's answers showed a similar spirit. What ethnic 

Waiting 95 

group did Cubrilovi feel he belonged to, Curinaldi 
wanted to know at one point. Did he consider himself a 
Serb or a Croat? 

Cubrilovid: "I am a Serbo-Croat." 

Curinaldi: "What does that term mean?" 

Cubrilovid: "It means that I don't consider myself solely 
a Serb, but that I must work for Croatia as well as for 

Curinaldi: "Are you a nationalist?" 

Cubrilovid: "Yes." 

Curinaldi: "What does that mean?" 

Cubrilovid: "It means that one must fight to have our 
people arrive at their proper stage of development." 

But whether Popovi<5 and Cubrilovid truly understood 
the motives of the deed they were about to participate in 
was a matter of minor importance to Ili<5. The less they 
knew, in fact, the better. The recruitment of Mehmed- 
bai, Cubrilovid, and Popovi would seem to have served 
the main purpose not of increasing the group's effec- 
tiveness, but of making the crime look like a local affair. 
If arrests were made, and it turned out that all the assassins 
had recently come to Bosnia from Belgrade, it would be 
blatantly obvious that the plot had been organized across 
the border. Since this was the very last impression that 
Apis wished to create, the appearance on the scene of some 
extras who had never been to Serbia was essential. 

In all, it was an arrangement that showed a touch of 
genius. The boys sent from Belgrade were trained in 
shooting and bomb-throwing, and should be able to carry 
off their parts well on June 28. If arrested, they could be 
expected to reveal nothing to the police, since at least two 
of the three were trusted Black Hand members. The boys 
from Sarajevo might not be of much help to Princip, 


Cabrinovic, and Grabez, but they would deflect attention 
from Apis. Under interrogation they were unlikely to talk 
either for the simple reason that they did not know very 

Ilic Picks Up the Weapons 

On Sunday, June 14, a week and a half after his friends 1 
arrival in Sarajevo, Hit rang the bell of MiSko Jovanovid's 
house in Tuzla. Jovanovid was in his study, and his wife 
ushered the young man in. Hid identified himself by taking 
out the pack of Stefanija cigarettes. Jovanovid, impatient 
to be rid of the bothersome weapons, wasted few words. 
''How are you going to carry them/' he asked. "One can't 
put six bombs and four revolvers into one's pocket." 

Hid had an unpleasant surprise for Jovanovid. No one 
knew him in Tuzla, he said, and there always was the 
chance that the police might stop and search him. Would 
Jovanovid therefore be kind enough to wrap the arms in a 
harmless looking package, and take them to a train station 
past Tuzla, where Hit would pick them up from him. 

Jovanovid had no choice. He would meet Hid in Doboj 
the next day, he promised. Doboj was a town about thirty- 
five miles northeast of Tuzla. Jovanovid owned some lumber 
there, and needed workmen to make it up into crossbars for 
rails, so that he had a good excuse for the trip. 

After Hid had left, Jovanovid thought briefly of having 
his servant go to Doboj in his stead, but not wanting to get 
the man into trouble, he rejected the temptation. He 
climbed up to the attic, put the weapons he had hidden 
there into a sugar carton, wrapped the carton in white 
paper, and tied it securely with some string. It was about 
the last sensible thing he was to do about the arms. 

Waiting 97 

Early the next morning, he took the train to Doboj, 
accompanied, it so happened, by his sister-in-law, who had 
no idea what the package he was carrying contained. At 
the Tuzla station, he hopefully if cautiously looked around 
for Ili, but could see him nowhere. Nor was he able to 
find him on the train. Arriving at Doboj, the rattled 
Jovanovi simply set down the box in the second-class wait- 
ing-room, put his overcoat on top of it, and accompanied 
his sister-in-law out of the station. He returned to the wait- 
ing-room, still could detect no trace of Ili<5, and went to 
the shop of a tailor he knew in town. The tailor himself 
unfortunately was out, and only the young apprentice was 
in the store. Jovanovi casually asked the boy to keep an eye 
on his package and his overcoat, and left to see a business 
associate of his about getting some workmen for the lum- 
ber. An hour or so later, he returned to the tailor shop. He 
found the tailor in, and the two men sat down to talk 
about local affairs. Shortly before the next train from Tuzla 
was due, Jovanovi rose, and asked the tailor a favor. "If 
you are going to have lunch before I get back/' he said, 
"please don't close your shop, for a man will come to whom 
I must give back a box." 

At the station, Jovanovi was relieved to see lli<5 getting 
out of the train. He walked to the tailor's with him, found 
the store empty but the door open, gave him the package 
of arms he had left there, and took his leave to have lunch. 

Ili, still exercising the sort of precaution that showed 
the spirit of conspiratorial play-acting rather than that o 
common sense, took an express train to within two stations 
of Sarajevo, changed to the local train, got out at a stop on 
the outskirts of Sarajevo, took the streetcar as far as the 
city's cathedral, walked the rest of the way home, and hid 
the weapons under a couch in his room. If Ili had simply 


picked up the arms from Jovanovi, and taken them back 
on the next direct train to Sarajevo, there Is no conceivable 
reason why he should have run into any trouble. This way, 
the arms had been left entirely unattended twice once 
In the Doboj waiting-room and once at the tailor shop 
and guarded by a quite possibly curious young tailor's 
apprentice for a whole hour. Beside, by traveling as 
circuitously as he did, I1I had been seen by considerably 
more people than he would have been had he taken the 
obvious and easy route. If all went well in the end, it was 
in spite of Ilia's arrangements, not because of them. 

The Unconspir atonal Conspirators 

Trying to attract as little police attention to themselves 
as possible, the conspirators took pains to lead conspicu- 
ously carefree and bohemian lives during the weeks they 
spent waiting in Sarajevo. Princip even went out with some 
girls. When the friends met, which was rarely, it was at 
night. As June 28 drew closer, Ili<5 in particular grew 
worried that the police might be on their trail, and urged 

We know relatively few details about the activities of the 
conspirators in this period, and we can only assume that 
they followed the usual occupations and pastimes of high- 
school students on their summer vacation which, after 
all, most of them were. Cabrinovi had some fleeting 
thoughts about abandoning the murder scheme. His 
family had been so kind to him when they first saw him 
again that he felt like making his peace with the world and 
starting afresh, but soon there were new scenes with his 
father when he stayed out too late at night, and the mood 

Waiting 99 

Aside from Cabrinovi, none o the youths appears to 
have had any qualms of conscience. What they were about 
to do, they assured themselves, was a great and noble act, 
not a murder. "Sentimentality/* Wallace Stevens has 
written, "is the failure of feeling." Their single-mind- 
edness very possibly was the failure of youth. At its root was 
a deep and genuine idealism that was stronger than any 
fears or doubts the same kind of idealism which, far from 
evil in its essence, has gone into so many bad causes in 
this century. 

If anyone among them showed some torment it was 
Princip. He was living in Ilia's modest, whitewashed house 
in a quiet sidestreet near the Oriental bazaar, and he had 
much leisure for thought and worry. Principal among them 
was that people would misunderstand the motives of his 
deed. What he really regretted, he confided to a friend of 
his as they were walking along the Quay one evening, was 
that there had not been enough time to pass his high- 
school graduating examination in Belgrade. Now people 
might say that his had simply been the case of a poor 
high-school student who had failed to graduate, and who 
had taken out his disappointment in violence. Perhaps 
because of this fear, Princip spent some of the last free 
days of his life with his school books. 

Another thought that bothered him was that Sarajevo 
might not be a worthy location for his sacrifice. Along 
with many of his revolutionary friends, he had no fondness 
for large cities, and despised what he thought of as the 
morality of the market place. Sarajevo Austrianized, busy 
Sarajevo was not a city he loved. "If I could stuff Sara- 
jevo into a matchbox/' he told his friend that same eve- 
ning, "I would set it afire." 

But all these were minor, and usually unspoken, doubts. 


Princip, Grabez, and Ili unhesitatingly agreed upon some 
of the last advance preparations for the trip when they 
got together and arranged precisely what station along 
Franz Ferdinand's route each assassin was to occupy on 
June 28. Princip also had the unplanned good luck to 
catch a glimpse of their intended victims some days in 
advance of the murder. 



A Shopping Trip to Sarajevo 

"Be greeted, our hope!" wrote one of Sarajevo's Croat 
newspapers on June 25, in welcome of Franz Ferdinand. 
"Hail to youl" exclaimed another, which like every paper in 
town was putting out a special edition in honor of the 
Archduke's arrival. "Be Greeted, Illustrious Princel" 
chimed in a Moslem headline writer. The Serbian papers 
were somewhat more guarded. One filled its whole front 
page with a picture of Franz Ferdinand, but hinted 
editorially that it might be well if the Heir to the Throne 
were to become "the noble spokesman before the Illustrious 
crown for the justified wishes and needs of the Serb people 
in our fatherland/' But even this editorial ended with a 
"Hail to the Heir Apparent." 

The journalistic enthusiasm may have been a good deal 
too fulsome, but the archducal visit obviously was a cheer- 
ful and exciting event in the life of the city. Franz Ferdi- 
nand, too, for all his original misgivings, was beginning to 



enjoy the trip. The objets d'art with which the local dealers 
had crammed his rooms at the Hotel Bosna in Ilidze ap- 
parently whetted his collector's appetite. In the afternoon 
of June 25, the day of his arrival in Bosnia, he and the 
Duchess decided on the spur of the moment to take an 
unscheduled shopping trip into Sarajevo. 

At five o'clock, they left Ilidze by car, and drove to the 
store of the town's leading furniture and antique dealer, 
where they spent more than an hour looking at silks, 
rugs, inlay and metal work, and made a great many 
purchases. While they were shopping, word spread that 
they were in town, and a crowd collected in front of the 
store. It soon became so large that it filled the entire street. 
When the archducal couple emerged, everyone pressed 
around, acclaiming the visitors with shouts of "Ziviol" 
the Serbo-Croat exclamation of cheer and welcome. 

Franz Ferdinand and Sophie were anxious to have a look 
at a few of the stalk at the famous Oriental bazaar. The 
bazaar was a wonderful place, with all the color, noise, and 
life of the medieval markets of the East. The expert could 
find some very beautiful and wholly handmade things here, 
although the ordinary tourist was cautioned by a dry word 
of warning in his Baedeker to the effect that "many of the 
so-called Oriental goods are of Austrian make." 

As Franz Ferdinand and Sophie were trying to make 
their way to the bazaar, they found their path all but barred 
by the enthusiastic crowd. The officers in the Archduke's 
entourage slowly had to pave a way through the mass of 
people for the visitors from Vienna, who were smilingly 
acknowledging the many cheers with which they were 
being greeted from all sides. When, their shopping finished, 
they finally re-entered their car, there were more cheers, 

Maneuvers 103 

and the archducal couple returned to Ilidze well pleased 
with the results o their surprise visit. 

Something they did not know, and never were to learn, 
was that one member of the crowd outside the shop was 
Gavrilo Princip. He managed to get so close to Franz Fer- 
dinand that they were almost face to face, but he held 
himself in check and did not shoot. Plans plainly provided 
for Sunday, June 28, as the day of the murder, with a large 
group of assassins, not one single individual, committing 
the deed, and Princip was a disciplined revolutionary. 
What he did do was to fix the Archduke's features clearly 
in his mind, so there would be no mistake on Sunday, and 
to tell his friends about the meeting later that evening. 

Cabrinovi, incidentally, was less favored by luck. That 
same day, he put on his best clothes and traveled to Ilidze 
to get a look at his victims. He thought that he was being 
recognized by a Moslem detective near the hotel, however, 
devoted all his energies to losing him, and went back to 
Sarajevo without having seen either Franz Ferdinand or 
Sophie. The detective, who had in* fact recognized Cabrino- 
vi<5, telephoned police headquarters, and reported the meet- 
ing. The answer he supposedly received from Dr. Gerde, 
Sarajevo's Chief of Police, was to leave Cabrinovi alone. 
Cabrinovid's record was clear at the time, and Gerde appar- 
ently associated the boy's name with that of his father, the 
Austrian police spy. 

The Maneuvers 

Franz Ferdinand spent the next two days attending the 
army maneuvers about ten miles west of Ilidze. The major 
part of the terrain consisted of naked, jagged rocks, creat- 
ing an impression of utter desolation, but at several points 


there were magnificent views across the river Ivan below, 
and occasional meadows and woods in the ravines reminded 
the visitor of Swiss Alpine scenery. Roads were few and 
poor, and there was little shelter. It was a logical area for 
the maneuvers, for many of the border regions of the 
Austro-Hungarian Empire consisted of just such rough 
mountain terrain. 

About 225,000 troops took part, with Bosnia's Fifteenth 
Army Corps drawn up against Croatia's Sixteenth Corps. 
The over-all command lay in the hands of Bosnia's Gover- 
nor and Franz Ferdinand's host, General Potiorek. 

On both mornings, Franz Ferdinand left Ilidze for the 
maneuver area by special train before six. At the nearest 
station, horses were waiting for him, and he and his party 
rode on from there on horseback to join the troops. The 
weather was terrible, and visibility low. Rain, hail, and 
even snow were falling, and only occasionally did some 
cold gust of wind provide a break in the fog. The maneuv- 
ers were going extremely well, however. Troop training 
had obviously been good, and both Army Corps executed 
their movements with skill and precision despite terrain 
and weather. Franz Ferdinand, no amateur in military mat- 
ters, was liberal with his praise for the troops and Potiorek. 

He did not complain about the hardships. In fact, there 
was one reason why they might have pleased him. Twenty 
policemen had been assigned to him during the maneuvers 
to look after his personal safety. They did not have an easy 
time of it. With his strong dislike for bodyguards, he was 
forever trying to lose them by riding off in the most un- 
expected directions and by never telling them in advance 
where he was going next. He was often successful; what 
with the rocky terrain and the fog, the poor policemen 
were hard put indeed to keep him in their sight. Just how 

Maneuvers 105 

easy it would have been for an assassin to take a shot at him 
during the maneuvers given the Archduke's casual at- 
titude toward security and Potiorek's inadequate measures 
to guard him was shown by two incidents. 

On the first day of the maneuvers, a man was seen to come 
running after the Archduke's car. No one intercepted him. 
Franz Ferdinand, catching sight of him, had the car 
stopped. The man turned out to be a peddler from Austria, 
and the amused Archduke bought some postcards and 
medals from him. The peddler, thanking his customer, 
mentioned that he knew the Archduke well; he made it a 
practice, he said, to attend all the maneuvers, and thus had 
seen him often. 

Another time a civilian suddenly jumped out of the 
bushes, holding a long, black tube. For a moment, every- 
one sat rigid with fright or surprise. Then a police officer, 
who had managed to stay close to Franz Ferdinand by 
putting on an umpire's badge so that the Archduke would 
not know who he was, managed to catch the man by the 
collar. Franz Ferdinand, laughing out loud, stopped the 
false umpire. "But that's the court photographer," he 
called. "Do let go of him; that's his business! These people 
have to live too, after all!" 

Early in the afternoon of Friday, June 27, a bugler of the 
guard blew retreat, signaling the end of the maneuvers. 
Franz Ferdinand, after a final review of the troops, issued 
the following directive to indicate his satisfaction with 
what he had seen: 

I have had an opportunity during the past two days to ob- 
serve a large part of the XVth and XVIth Army Corps under 
unfavorable weather conditions and on sometimes difficult 


I had been convinced that 1 would find nothing but the 
best, and my expectations were fully confirmed by the out- 
standing performances of all officers and men. I shall report 
this to His Majesty the Emperor, our beloved Commander- 
in-Chief, and in the name of the Service I express my cordial 
thanks and fullest appreciation to His Excellency, the In- 
spector of the Army [General Potiorek], and to all generals, 
officers and men of both Corps, who have again been proving 
themselves in the events of the recent past. 

This directive is to be communicated to all men in their 
respective mother tongues immediately. 


The promised report to the Emperor went out at four 
o'clock that same afternoon. "The state of the troops/' 
Franz Ferdinand said in his telegram to his uncle, "their 
training and performance have been excellent and beyond 
all praise. Morale is excellent; they have been trained well 
and show great ability. There were almost no sick calls." 
He added a few personal words. "Everyone well and in 
good spirits," he wired. "Tomorrow I shall visit Sarajevo 
and leave in the evening." 

Farewell Dinner in Ilidze 

Not only had the maneuvers been a success, but both 
Franz Ferdinand and Sophie had been having a very pleas- 
ant stay. While the Archduke was attending the maneuvers, 
Sophie was paying official visits to schools, orphanages, and 
churches in Sarajevo. She was given a cordial reception 
wherever she went, and in turn was gracious and kind her- 
self. The schedule worked out for her was haphazard at 
times; at some places, she turned up as much as two or three 
hours late. On the other hand, some of the arrangements 

Maneuvers 107 

showed an endearing kind of forethought. In the Augus- 
tinian convent school, for example, after acknowledging the 
teachers' speeches of welcome, listening to the childrens' 
choir, and receiving her bouquet of roses, she had gifts for 
all of the school's pupils pictures of the archducal family 
for the older group, and, for the younger group, candy. 

On her return to Ilidze on both afternoons, she went for 
brief strolls in the park with her husband in spite of the 
poor weather, and watched the bear cubs that were kept 
there. In honor of the visitors, the cubs were released from 
their cage, whereupon two of them promptly escaped, and 
had to be recaptured by their harried keeper. 

On the first two days, Sophie and Franz Ferdinand had 
dinner in the company of all the members of their entour- 
age, and the atmosphere at the table was pleasant and free. 
Baron Conrad, the Chief of the General Staff, who was 
among those invited, and who on some previous occasions 
had exchanged sharp words with Franz Ferdinand, later 
recalled that he almost had the feeling of being at a relaxed 
family dinner. Franz Ferdinand's health seemed good 
again, Conrad thought, and both he and Sophie were their 
most charming selves. They talked about the maneuvers, 
their impressions of Bosnia, the German Emperor's recent 
visit with the Archduke at Konopischt and his praise for 
the gardens there, and about Franz Ferdinand's plans to 
attend autumn maneuvers in Germany, to which he as well 
as Conrad had been invited. The company remained 
together for some time after dinner, talking easily and 
comfortably. One of the things that contributed to the 
archducal couple's happy mood was a telephone call re- 
ceived by Sophie one night, saying that her eldest son, 
Maximilian, had just passed his high-school examinations 


with distinction. Visibly pleased, the proud parents ac- 
cepted everyone's congratulations. 

On Saturday, June 27, dinner was a more formal affair. It 
was to be their last night in Bosnia, and all of Sarajevo's 
dignitaries had been invited. The windows o the hotel's 
dining-room, where the court dinner was being held, were 
kept open, and through them, the sounds of music being 
played by the Sarajevo garrison band on the lawn below 
drifted in. They were rendering a pleasant if unstartling 
program: Schumann's "Traumerei," a phantasy on "La 
Boheme," a LeMr medley, "The Blue Danube." Nor did 
the menu offer any surprises. From souffl to lamb to filet 
of beef to roast goose to salad and fruit, it was all good, 
solid banquet fare, although the French wines were fol- 
lowed by two of the Empire's specialties: a local wine from 
Mostar, and a Tokay from Hungary. 

Sophie was the only woman present. Placed between the 
Serb-Orthodox and the Roman-Catholic Archbishops of 
Sarajevo, she was capably presiding over the dinner 
together with her husband, who sat across from her between 
the President of Bosnia's Parliament and General Potiorek. 
When dinner was finished, the Archduke and the Duchess 
rose, and held court for a while near their respective ends 
of the table. Among the guests who came to pay their 
respect to Sophie was Dr. Josip Sunari, a leader of Bosnia's 
Croats, and a Vice-President of Parliament. He had warned 
Potiorek against the Bosnian trip when he first heard about 
it, since he thought that some local Serbs might be in an 
ugly mood, and that the visitors faced definite danger. 
When Sophie caught sight of him, she took a few steps 
toward him, and, as Sunari recalled it later, said with a 
radiant smile on her face: "Dear Dr. Sunari, you were 
wrong after all; things don't always turn out the way you 

Maneuvers 109 

say they will. Everywhere we have gone here we have been 
greeted with so much friendliness and by every last Serb, 
too with so much cordiality and unsimulated warmth, 
that we are very happy about it!" 

"Your Highness, I pray to God that when I have the 
honor tomorrow night of seeing you again, you can repeat 
those words to me. I shall breathe easier then, a great deal 

Shortly afterwards, most of the guests took their leave, 
but a smaller group, consisting largely of the members of 
Franz Ferdinand's entourage, remained until midnight. 
Franz Ferdinand, while still in excellent spirits, made a 
remark to the effect that he was glad the trip was over. 
Someone thereupon suggested that Franz Ferdinand cancel 
the next day's visit to Sarajevo, and return to Vienna 
directly. It was not a wholly unreasonable suggestion. The 
Archduke was fond of making impulsive changes in his 
travel schedules, and the program for June 28 was a very 
slight one. Following a stop at the town's military camp, he 
was to drive through Sarajevo for a brief reception at the 
City Hall in the morning, spend the next hour at the 
National Museum, and go on to the Governor's residence 
for a farewell luncheon at 12:30. Nothing was planned for 
the afternoon, but according to the program, the archducal 
party was not to leave Ilidze until nine o'clock in the eve- 

Franz Ferdinand seemed tempted to agree with the sug- 
gestion that he cut his visit short, until some of the 
military aides spoke up. Potiorek's adjutant reasonably 
pointed out that to cancel the visit would be interpreted 
as a slight to the population of Sarajevo, who were expect- 
ing the Archduke on Sunday. Some of the Archduke's 
aides, rightly again, added that it would be an open in- 


suit to General Potiorek as well, and Franz Ferdinand, 
who apparently did not care too much one way or the 
other, decided that it would be wisest to keep to the original 
schedule. Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the throne of 
Austria, was going to be in Sarajevo on the morning of 
June 28, 1914. 

The Assassins' Last Party 

The assassins, meanwhile, were making their last-minute 
preparation. Sometime during the week, Hit went to 
Belgrade to receive his final instructions from Dimitrijevic. 
Precisely what was said between them we do not know. On 
Ili<5's return, he summoned Mehmedbasi to Sarajevo. On 
Saturday, June 217, he introduced him to Princip at a Sara- 
jevo caf6 as "Mehmedbasic, who tomorrow is to be with 
us," and the three of them signed a post card to their com- 
mon friend Gadnovi who was living in Switzerland at 
the time. 

Also on Saturday, Ili met Popovi and Cubrilovid, his 
Sarajevo recruits, at a Turkish coffee shop. He walked to 
a nearby park with them, and gave each of them a bomb, 
a pistol and ammunition, and their portion of poison. He 
showed them how to load and shoot the guns, and how to 
throw the bombs. Firing off two practice shots with 
Popovi^'s gun, he said: "Anyone getting this bullet, he's 
done for." 

Princip, at about the same time, looked up Cabrinovi, 
handed him his cyanide, and told him where his post for 
the assassination was going to be. He asked him to stay 
there and nowhere else, since each of the conspirators had 
his definitely assigned station. For reasons that are not 
clear, Cabrinovi was to be given no gun; all that any of 

Maneuvers 111 

the defendants would say about it in court later was that 
"that was the way things were organized." Princip assured 
him, however, that he would receive his bomb the next 
morning, and so he did. Sometime that day, Princip also 
went out to the cemetary, and left a wreath on the grave of 

In the evening, several members of Sarajevo's illegal 
Mlada Bosna group met for a party at Semiz's inn. Semiz's 
really was a wine shop rather than an inn, a small place 
with a few simple tables and chairs, and a great many casks 
and barrels standing about. It was dark inside Semiz's even 
during the daytime, for only a single window admitted the 
light. Through it, one could see the Lateiner Bridge, 
Princip's station for the assassination. (The Lateiner Bridge 
will no longer be found on a Sarajevo street map under that 
name; its current name is Princip Bridge.) 

Just which of the assassins attended the party we do not 
know, although it appears certain that Princip was there. 
The boys sang and drank red wine. Their judgment on 
wine, incidentally, had much in common with that of the 
Hotel Bosna's sommelier who had chosen a local wine from 
Mostar to follow the Bordeaux and the Burgandy at Franz 
Ferdinand's court dinner in Ilidze that evening the reason 
they liked to meet at Semiz's was the good Mostar wine sold 

Despite the wine and the singing, Princip was in a dark 
mood, and very much occupied with his own thoughts. 
He even surprised a friend by drinking down a glass of wine 
in one gulp. A friend managed to cheer him up by telling 
some jokes, and the group soon was happily cursing the 
Austrians amid more songs and laughter. 

When the group broke up, the mood was an easy one. 
Princip, who did not feel like going to sleep yet, joined two 


of his friends in the street, and walked to their home with 
them. In the darkness outside their house, he embraced 
them, and told them to go in immediately, lest they be seen 
with him. 

The next morning at eight, Ili<5 joined Cabrinovi and 
Grabez at the same Turkish coffee shop where he had met 
his Sarajevo recruits the day before. He handed a bomb to 
Cabrinovi, and bomb and revolver to Grabez. All the 
assassins now had their arms and knew their stations. Every- 
thing was ready for the murder of Franz Ferdinand. 




Upon Saint Vitus' Day 

Saint Vitus' Day, June 2,8, 1389. The Turks, after a 
murderous battle, have defeated the Serbian army at Kos- 
sovo, or Blackbirds' Field, in the plains of Southern Serbia. 
The Prince of the Serbs, Lazar, is a captive of the Turks. 
One of his men, Milos Obilic, smuggles himself into the 
Turkish camp, finds the Sultan, Murad I, and strikes him 
dead. In reprisal, the Sultan's son, Bayazid, has his captured 
enemy Lazar brought out and beheaded. The battle of 
Blackbirds' Field on Saint Vitus' Day 1389 means the end 
of the medieval Serbian Empire. Serbia, henceforth, be- 
comes a vassal state of Turkey. A whole cycle of legends, 
folk songs, and ballads gathers around the battle, and each 
year, the Serbs commemorate June 28 as a day of national 

Autumn, 1912. In the First Balkan War, the armies of 
the small kingdom of Serbia, wholly independent again 
since the end of the nineteenth century, have badly de- 



feated those of the Turkish Empire. Blackbirds' Field has 
been recaptured from the Turks, and the humiliation of 
the defeat of 1389 finally wiped out. 

Saint Vitus' Day, June 28, 1914. The date has been chosen 
for Franz Ferdinand's visit to Sarajevo purely by accident, 
but in the streets of the city stand seven youths ready 
to strike at Serbia's new enemy, Austria, and to sacrifice 
Franz Ferdinand, and possibly themselves, for the cause of 
creating a new Serbian Empire. 

To the City Hall 

Early on Sunday morning, June 28, Franz Ferdinand 
called in his Chamberlain, Baron Horsey, to dictate two 
telegrams. One was addressed to his Private Secretary at 
Chlumetz Castle, the other to his three children. "Papa and 
Mamma/* the telegram to his children read, were well, and 
looked forward to being with them again on Tuesday. 

At nine o'clock, having finished his dictation, he and 
Sophie attended mass together in a room at the hotel that 
had been specially prepared for the purpose. The room was 
oppressively warm, and smelled of too many flowers. After 
mass, they walked to the Ilidze station, accompanied by 
their retinues. From there, a special train, departing at 
9:25, took them to Sarajevo. At the Sarajevo station, 
General Potiorek was waiting for the archducal party. 

Their first stop in town was the Philipovi army camp, 
located opposite the railroad station, where they were for- 
mally welcomed by Sarajevo's commanding general, 
Michael von Appel. Following a very brief review of the 
troops, the archducal party, at about ten o'clock, got into 
their cars to drive up the city's broadest avenue, the Appel 
Quay, to the City Hall for the Mayor's reception. 

Gabrinomd 115 

The procession which now started out from Philipovi 
camp numbered six cars in all In the first car sat Fehini 
Effendi QuYci, the Mayor of Sarajevo, and Dr. Gerde, the 
city's Commissioner of Police. The second automobile, a 
high-sided gray touring car flying the black and yellow 
Habsburg pennant, held the most distinguished of the 
visitors, and the car's top was rolled back in order to allow 
the crowds a good view of its occupants. In front, next to 
the driver, sat Franz Count Harrach, the owner of the car, 
and a member of the Austro-Hungarian Voluntary Auto- 
mobile Corps. In back, on the left, sat Franz Ferdinand, 
dressed in his general's uniform, and wearing all his dec- 
orations. At his side was Sophie, in a billowing white dress 
and a very large hat, and across from them, on the folding 
seat, sat Governor Potiorek. The next car's passengers were 
Countess Lanjus, Sophie's lady in waiting; Colonel Carl 
von Bardolff, the head of Franz Ferdinand's military chan- 
cellery; Lieutenant Colonel Merizzi, General Potiorek's 
chief adjutant; and the car's owner, Count Boos-Waldeck. 
In the two automobiles that followed traveled various other 
members of Franz Ferdinand's staff and of the Bosnian ad- 
ministration; the six and last automobile was empty, to be 
used as a reserve car in case of accident. 

In contrast to the previous week's cold and rain, the day 
had opened with splendid summer weather. At the Mayor's 
suggestion, a great many citizens had decorated their houses 
and stores with flags, flowers, and oriental rugs. The decora- 
tions were particularly colorful along the official route, and 
in numerous windows one could see pictures of Franz Ferdi- 
nand. The visit was an exciting and festive event for Sara- 
jevo. ("Because of the great amount of material," the Sara- 
jevoer Tagblatt apologized on June 27, amid all the stories 
about the previous day's maneuvers and about Sunday's 


program, "today's installment of our novel [Typhoon, by 
Heinz E'Monts] had to be omitted.") The sidewalks were 
full of people cheering Franz Ferdinand and Sophie as 
they were passing by. There was an occasional policeman 
and secret service agent among them, but no lines of sol- 
diers or police had been formed to hold back the crowds. 

Security arrangements, in fact, were startlingly casual. 
Many spectators still had a vivid memory of how differently 
things had been handled during the Emperor's visit to 
Sarajevo in 1910. On that occasion, all the soldiers of the 
Sarajevo garrison had been called out to line the streets 
through which Franz Joseph was to pass, and his route had 
been so chosen that nowhere was there enough room for 
dangerously large crowds to assemble. Over two hundred 
suspects were placed under police arrest for the duration of 
the Imperial visit, and a number of other citizens were told 
not to leave their houses. 

This time, while thousands of troops were in the region 
for maneuvers, the city was declared off-limits to them for 
the duration of Franz Ferdinand's and Sophie's visit. Only 
one full infantry battalion and five smaller units not 
more than a few hundred men in all remained in town. 
Of this number, most were busy with various military 
duties, and only the infantry battalion and part of one 
infantry company were available at their barracks in case of 
emergency. Precautionary arrests apparently numbered 
thirty-five. All security arrangements lay in the hands of 
a police force that comprised no more than a hundred 
and twenty men, including uniformed policemen and 
plainclothes detectives. 

There were several reasons for the contrast between 
1910 and 1914. The strict security measures taken during 
his visit had not escaped Franz Joseph, and he was quite 

Cabrinovic 117 

plainly displeased with them. Throwing a bad fright into 
some of the local dignitaries accompanying him, he some- 
times disregarded the careful advance arrangements to walk 
right through the crowds, and when he took his leave, every- 
one noticed the coolness of manner with which he treated 
the responsible head of the civil administration. Nor was it 
possible in 1914 to make large-scale arrests without showing 
very good cause, since a new Constitution had meanwhile 
been introduced. 

There were other reasons as well. Franz Ferdinand was 
a man of great personal bravery who disliked the presence 
of secret service men. Nor can he have been anxious to have 
a cordon of troops between the crowd and himself. After 
all, the visit's purpose was to give people a glimpse of their 
future Emperor. Perfect security was next to impossible to 
achieve in Bosnia; underneath the voluminous dresses of 
the Moslem women, for example, almost any sort of arms 
might be hidden, and the police, instructed to show every 
sign of respect for Moslem sensibilities, would have to 
hesitate very much before making a body search. Finally, 
even the tightest of security precautions normally are use- 
less in the case of assassins truly willing to sacrifice their 
own lives. 

But these are speculations. The fact remains that while 
there were many reasons for not equaling the precautions 
taken in 1910, none were good enough. In the summer of 
1914, Austrian authorities were as aware of the existence 
of secret societies as they were of the fact that there was a 
sizable number of young men in Bosnia who thought the 
uses of violence were sweet. And it was Potiorek, as Inspec- 
tor of the Army and Governor of Bosnia, who bore the ulti- 
mate responsibility for whatever arrangements the police 
made or failed to make. Potiorek, although several people 


later claimed that they had plainly warned him, apparently 
felt that the presence of the troops during maneuvers was 
sufficient protection, and ignored the fact that the conclud- 
ing day's visit to Sarajevo was to be a civilian and not a mili- 
tary one Franz Ferdinand was to be received as Heir to the 
Throne, not as Inspector General. In the end there were 
far too few policemen guarding Franz Ferdinand's route 
to the City Hall. 

Aided by the lax security, the seven assassins, mingling 
with the crowds, had all safely taken up their positions along 
the Appel Quay. The first post, near the building of the 
Austro-Hungarian Bank by the Cumurja Bridge, was that 
of Mehmedbasid, the one Moslem among the conspirators. 
A few steps from him, also on the side of the river, and across 
from the Teachers' College, stood Cabrinovic, the printer. 
A bit further up in the direction of the City Hall were Ilia's 
two Sarajevo recruits, Cubrilovi<5 and Popovi6 Near the 
next bridge, the Lateiner Bridge, stood Princip, and the 
final post was that of his friend Grabe2, who had come with 
him from Belgrade on the underground route. Grabez was 
impatiently pacing up and down the Quay, to find the 
best vantage point from which to shoot. Ili, the organizer 
of the Sarajevo group, had no fixed post of his own, but 
moved between the other six assassins, to keep their spirits 
up and to see that all was well. 

He paused to stop by MehmedbaSi^, and said softly: "Be 
strong, be brave." Not much later, at barely a quarter past 
ten in the morning, the procession of cars was approaching, 
and Mehmedbasid's opportunity to be strong and brave had 
come. As the second car, in which Franz Ferdinand was rid- 
ing, drew up to eye level, MehmedbaSid froze, and did 
nothing. His apology later was that he thought he could see 
a policeman stepping up behind him at the precise moment 

Gabrinomd 119 

the cars were passing by. If he were to bring his bomb out, 
he said his quick reasoning went, the policeman would seize 
him by the arm, the whole plot would be revealed, and all 
the remaining conspirators would be prevented from taking 
action. While he was still pursuing these thoughts, he said, 
the Archduke's car was gone, and with it his opportunity to 
do his part. 

The next conspirator whom Franz Ferdinand had to pass 
was Cabrinovi. As the cars slowly drove by him among the 
cheers of the crowd, Cabrinovid, the unstable, boastful 
ex-anarchist, ex-socialist, ex-strike leader, about whom even 
his friends had their reservations, suddenly proved how 
calm his nerves could be under pressure. He pulled out his 
bomb, took careful aim, and hurled it straight at Franz 
Ferdinand's car. 


On the morning of June 28, Nedjelko Cabrinovi<5 took 
leave from his family. He gave twenty crowns, most of the 
money he owned, to his grandmother, of whom he was very 
fond, and who had occasionally helped him out with gifts 
of money in the past. She was reluctant to accept the unex- 
pected present at first, saying that she wished to keep only 
half of it, but her grandson insisted. He had five crowns 
left, and gave those to his sister. He was going on a long 
trip, he told her, from which he would never return. 

Alone, Cabrinovi wept. He was seized by a sudden surge 
of affection for his father. His father, he thought, had treated 
him badly, and had given him a miserable education, and 
yet he could feel fondness and pity for him now. What 
made him saddest, however, was the thought of being sep- 
arated forever from his sister and his grandmother. 


He left the house, and accompanied by a friend, went 
to a photographer's shop where, shortly after nine o'clock, 
he asked to have his picture taken, "so that," as he explained 
at his trial later, "a memory would remain behind me." 
Dressed rather formally in a dark suit, a white shirt with 
a stiff round collar, and high button shoes, he posed sitting 
on the side of a low armchair. In his left hand, he held 
a copy of Sarajevo's nationalist Serb paper, Srpska Rijec:, 
and in his right inside coat pocket he carried his bomb, 
which was to show up as a slight bulge in the finished por- 
trait. To prevent the police from seizing the pictures after- 
wards, he gave the photographer a false name and an equally 
false address in another city. When they had left the shop, 
he asked his friend to send two prints to that address, but to 
give four others to his grandmother. 

He said goodby to his friend, and walked to the Appel 
Quay to take up his post. To attract no attention to himself, 
he casually walked up and down the Quay. Catching sight 
of a boy he knew, a mentally retarded mute, he asked him 
to join him, since he thought it wiser not to be seen alone. 
It was sunny and warm on the river side where he was stroll- 
ing, but he was careful to keep his coat tightly buttoned, 
so that he would not risk dropping the bomb. 

Most of the spectators stood on the other side of the street, 
where there was shade and protection from the sun. Among 
them was a doctor who had come to the capital with his 
daughter for the Archduke's visit. Watching Gabrinovi 
on the sunny side of the street, his dark coat buttoned, and 
his left hand inside his coat pocket as though he was holding 
something, the doctor thought that there was something 
odd about him. "What's this young man doing there?** he 
wondered aloud, addressing his question to two acquaint- 
ances with him. 

Cabrinovic 121 

A short while later, at a quarter past ten, the cars came 
into sight. As they approached, Cabrinovid's excitement 
mounted. He stepped away from the crowd as far as possible 
in order not to hurt any bystanders, and drew the bomb 
out of his pocket. He let the first car pass him, and struck 
the bomb's percussion cap against a lantern post. The doctor 
across the street, who was still watching him, thought that 
he was taking out and emptying a pipe. The doctor turned 
to his companions in disbelief and asked: "Do you suppose 
he's going to light his pipe as the Heir to the Throne is 

His friends were not listening. "Look!" one of them 
called out. "There he is! Call 'Hurrah!' Three times and 

Others around him also felt it proper to shout hurrah. As 
they did so, and craned their necks for a look at their august 
visitors, Cabrinovid raised his right arm, took careful aim 
at Franz Ferdinand's general's helmet with its green feath- 
ers, and threw the bomb. As he was letting go of it, he 
thought he could see Franz Ferdinand turn around and fix 
him with a cold and steady look. 

In the car, just a moment before, General Potiorek had 
been pointing out a new army barracks to Franz Ferdinand. 
Count Harrach, the car's owner, who was sitting next to the 
driver in front, had heard the detonating sound made by 
Cabrinovi's knocking off the cap of the bomb. His instinc- 
tive reaction was to think that a tire had blown out. Irony 
in his voice, he called to the chauffeur: "Bravo. Now we'll 
have to stop." 

The driver, more quick-witted than Harrach, also had 
heard the sharp, cracking sound, and had seen a black object 
hurling through the air. Rather than following the Count's 
instructions and stopping, he did precisely the right thing 


under the circumstances, pressed down on the accelerator, 
and drove on at full speed. 

As a result, the bomb did not land where it was intended 
to. Instead, it passed behind Sophie's back she was sitting 
on the tight, and thus on the side closest to Cabrinovid 
Franz Ferdinand, sitting next to her, who had also seen the 
object that came flying at them, raised his hand to protect 
his wife. With this motion, he deflected the bomb, which 
fell onto the resilient, folded back roof of the touring car, 
and bounced off into the street, where it exploded with a 
detonation that seemed as loud as a cannon shot and filled 
the air with debris and smoke. 

The crowd, excited, began to push and shove, some to 
have a closer look at what had happened, others and there 
were more o them to get away from the scene as fast as 
they could. Two women fainted. 

The lead car, bearing the mayor, at first continued on its 
way, and so did Franz Ferdinand's. In the few moments be- 
fore the bomb exploded, the Archduke did not know what 
the object he had seen coming at him was, and failed to 
realize that it had bounced off into the street. Instead, he 
thought that it had come to rest between himself and 
Sophie inside the car. He decided to say nothing about it, 
in order not to frighten his wife. 

Turning around at the sound of the explosion, he saw 
the confusion in the street. He also saw that the car which 
had been following behind his had come to a stop, and that 
some of its occupants were getting out. He ordered the 
driver of his car to stop too. Several members of his en- 
tourage were jumping out of their cars and rushing up to 
his, to find out if anything had happened to him or to 
Sophie. They saw that the Archduke was completely un- 
hurt, although Sophie's face bore a slight scratch from a 

Cabrinovic 123 

flying splinter. The car itself had suffered damage from 
three bomb fragments. One had dented the gas tank, the 
second was lodged in the trunk compartment, and a third 
was stuck in the folding roof. The damage was so slight, 
however, and there was so much other excitement, that no 
one even noticed it until much later. 

The bomb had worked its real harm elsewhere. There 
were no dead; but about a dozen spectators were injured, 
none of them seriously. The worst had been reserved for 
the automobile following immediately behind Franz Fer- 
dinand's. The car's owner, Count Boos-Waldeck, was hit 
by several bomb splinters, but he was not doing badly. One 
of his passengers, however, was bleeding profusely from a 
wound he had received in the back of his head. He was 
Lieutenant Colonel Erik von Merizzi, Potiorek's adjutant, 
who had advised against canceling the Sarajevo visit the 
night before. Countess Lanjus, Sophie's lady in waiting, 
who was sitting next to him, although herself hit by a 
small splinter, was attempting to still the flow of blood by 
calmly holding a handkerchief to Merizzi's wound. The 
gash seemed an ugly one, but fortunately, Franz Ferdi- 
nand's physician, Dr. Fischer, had been riding in the next 
car. He had a quick look at the wound, and ordered the 
Colonel taken to the office of a nearby physician. 

The car itself, which had borne the brunt of the explo- 
sion, was stalled, and the remaining occupants had to trans- 
fer to the fifth and last automobile, which was in better 
condition than the fourth car directly behind them. The 
owner of the fourth car, Lieutenant Egger, discovered to 
his relief that while small fragments of the bomb had 
pierced his cap and shattered his windshield, he was unhurt, 
and his car still in running order. 

For the civilian wounded, effective help soon material- 


ized with the arrival on the scene o General Appel, Sara- 
jevo's commanding general, who had greeted Franz Ferdi- 
nand at the Philipovid army camp earlier that morning. 
He was not a member of the archducal party, but had fol- 
lowed behind the procession on the way to his office, which 
was located just off the Quay. He took a look at the destruc- 
tion, and put through a telephone call to the garrison hos- 
pital. The doctor in charge, Major Arnstein, quickly re- 
sponded to his summons, and hurried to the Appel Quay 
accompanied by three army surgeons. Two of the doctors 
gave first aid to the injured spectators, while Arnstein and 
one of the surgeons examined Merizzi, and ordered an 
ambulance to take him to the hospital for further treat- 

The Arrest 

Having thrown his bomb, Gabrinovi swallowed the 
cyanide he was carrying, and jumped into the river Mil- 
jaflka which faced the quay, and which was low at this time 
of year. At least four men scrambled in after him. (When 
they appeared on the witness stand during his trial, Cabri- 
novic got indignant over their statements that they had 
jumped in behind him. "I was the only one to have jumped 
into the river/' he said. "All the others made their way 
down.") Two of his pursuers came from among the specta- 
tors one was a shopkeeper, the other a barber and the 
two others were a policeman and a plainclothes detective. 
The barber struck Cabrinovid, who was lying sprawled out 
in the river bed, and the shopkeeper kicked at his left hand. 
The barber, still irate, drew a gun, and had to be restrained 
from shooting Cabrinovii by the policeman, who pointed 

Cabrinovic 125 

out that the police would want to interrogate the young 
man first. 

Together, they made their way up the river bank, and 
led Cabrinovi to the police station. Baron Morsey, Franz 
Ferdinand's Second Chamberlain, having assured himself 
that the Archduke was unhurt, joined the group, his saber 
drawn, and walked along as far as the next bridge, the La- 
teiner Bridge. Here, they passed by Gavrilo Princip. As 
they did so, the idea briefly flitted through Princip's mind 
that he might shoot Cabrinovic, and then himself, and that 
it would all be over then. Just as quickly, he rejected the 

At the police station, the detective who had made the 
arrest began to interrogate his suspect. The poison Cabri- 
novic had taken had failed to have any fatal effect, but he 
was in pain from it and from the jump, and he was weary. 
"Leave me in peace and I will tell you everything," he said 
to the detective. 

The detective tried to take him up on his offer. "From 
whom did you get the bomb?" he asked. 

"From our organization." 

"Which organization?" 

"Ill tell you later." 

"Do you have accomplices?" 

But having almost said too much already, Cabrinovi 
refused to answer, and would say no more. 

Back at the Appel Quay meanwhile, Franz Ferdinand 
showed himself more interested in the fate of the victims 
than in that of his would-be assassin. Having made sure that 
all the wounded were properly cared for, he said, "Come 
on, the fellow is insane; let us go on with our program," and 
the procession started on its way toward the City Hall again. 


Past Four Assassins 

A few steps from the scene stood Vaso Cubrilovi, at 
seventeen the youngest of the conspirators. He could see the 
bomb being hurled, and threw himself aside to escape its 
impact. What he did next is not wholly clear. Several wit- 
nesses at the trial testified to having heard an explosive 
sound reminiscent of a pistol shot at about the time Cab- 
rinovi threw his bomb, some stating that they heard this 
sound before the explosion, others insisting that it came 
afterward. Cubrilovic himself, before his arrest, told several 
friends that he had fired a shot at Franz Ferdinand. During 
his trial, however, he changed his story, and denied having 
shot at the Archduke. His gun, when recovered by the 
police, was found to be fully loaded. It would therefore 
seem most likely that Cubrilovi did nothing, and that the 
shotlike sound heard by the witnesses preceded the explo- 
sion, and was caused by Gabrinovid knocking off the cap of 
his bomb against the lantern post. 

The next would-be assassin, Cvijetko Popovi, who had 
been standing in the shade across the street, no longer was 
at his post as the cars started up again. Hearing the bomb 
explode, he left his station and hid his bomb behind a box 
in the basement of a building a few yards away. In court 
later, he was frank and to the point about the motives 
for his inaction. "I lost courage/* he said. 
His defection left two more assassins, Princip and GrabeiL 
At eight that morning, Princip had taken his bomb and 
his revolver, and left Ilia's house where he had been staying 
since his return to Sarajevo. He walked around the city 
park for a while, stopping to talk with two students o his 
acquaintance. Neither of them had any suspicions of what 
Princip was about to do; one of them, in fact, was the son of 

Gabrinovic 127 

the district attorney who later was to lead the prosecution 
in the trial of Princip and his accomplices. 

The two boys were anxious to spend the rest of the morn- 
ing with Princip, but after a while he excused himself and 
left them to take up his post at the Lateiner Bridge. When 
he heard the explosion, he felt certain that it was one of 
the conspirators who had acted, although he was not sure 
which one of them. The crowd was running toward the 
spot, and Princip allowed himself to be drawn along. He 
saw that the cars had stopped, and a feeling of triumph and 
relief came over him. Their mission, he thought, had been 
successfully accomplished. 

Seeing Cabrinovi being led away and the cars starting 
up a few minutes later, he realized how wrong his first im- 
pression had been. He brought out neither his bomb nor his 
revolver, however. Everything seemed to be happening 
much too fast for him, and while he could clearly see 
Sophie, he was unable to make out Franz Ferdinand. He 
walked back toward the Lateiner Bridge, overhearing some 
spectators say that the attempt against the Heir Apparent 
had failed. Wondering what there remained for him to do, 
Princip crossed the street, thinking that he should find 
another station for himself, since the Archduke's itinerary 
called for his return down the Appel Quay after the City 
Hall reception. 

Trifko Grabez whose nineteenth birthday this was 
meanwhile paced up and down between the Lateiner 
Bridge and the Kaiser Bridge, looking for Princip. Their 
plan of action, he testified in court later, called for his 
throwing a bomb as the cars were approaching, and for 
Princip to shoot Franz Ferdinand in the ensuing confusion. 
He did not see Princip anywhere near the appointed spot 
at the Lateiner Bridge, however. He made his way through 


the crowds toward the City Hall, frequently crossing from 
one side of the Quay to the other, but he still could not find 
Princlp. Perhaps, he thought, the police have arrested him. 

For a while, Grabez remained on the Kaiser Bridge, near 
the spot where Zerajic had tried to kill the Austrian Gov- 
ernor in 1910. Too impatient to remain in any one spot 
for too long, he returned to the Lateiner Bridge. Looking 
around, he felt convinced that he could see two detectives 
staring at him, and quickly decided to walk back to the 
City Hall. By this time, the streets were thronged and he 
was able to get no farther than the Kaiser Bridge, since too 
many spectators blocked his way. A few minutes later, he 
heard a bomb explode, but could see nothing of what had 
happened. No cars were coming by, and Grabez was be- 
ginning to hope that the attempt had succeeded. 

Suddenly, however, he caught sight of the official pro- 
cession coming toward him. Hearing no more shots or ex- 
plosions, Grabez thought that all his friends must have 
been arrested. He was on his way back to the Lateiner 
Bridge when the Archduke's car passed him. He could 
see that Franz Ferdinand was alive. Grabez did nothing. 
The crowd, he told a friend before his arrest, was pressing 
him in so tightly that he was unable to pull out his bomb. 
To the police, he gave a different explanation, saying that 
at the decisive moment he lacked the necessary fortitude. 

Whatever his motives, Grabez let the cars pass, but stayed 
near the Kaiser Bridge, in order to wait- like Princip 
standing below him for the Archduke and his party to 
return from the City Hall. 



"Our Hearts Are Full of Happiness 33 

Outside the City Hall, a massive structure built in the 
heavy and graceless pseudo-Moorish manner favored in 
that region around the turn of the century for ministries, 
railway stations, and other public buildings, the entire 
city administration was waiting for the archducal party to 
arrive. At a quarter past ten, they heard the sound of a 
heavy detonation Cabrinovi's bomb. There was some 
discussion about what might have caused the explosion, 
and the concensus of opinion was that it must have been 
an unscheduled cannon shot fired to salute the visitors. 

Almost as soon as they saw the cars draw up, the city 
fathers learned differently. The fezzed Mayor, Fehim Ef- 
f endi Curci, stepped out of his car, preparing, as arranged, 
to launch into his speech of welcome. The Archduke fol- 
lowed, but the shock of what he had just gone through 
seemed suddenly to catch up with him. Unable to control 
his temper, he stopped the startled Curci before he could 



begin. "Mr. Mayor," he said, "one comes here for a visit 
and is received with bombs 1 It is outrageous! " Trying to 
calm himself, he went on after a pause, "All right, now you 
may speak/' 

The Mayor did, and considering the circumstances, his 
speech could not have been much more inappropriate. 

Your Royal and Imperial Highness! [said the Mayor, 
addressing the irate Franz Ferdinand] Your Highness! [this 
to address Sophie] 

Our hearts are full of happiness over the most gracious 
visit with which Your Highnesses are pleased to honor our 
capital city of Sarajevo, and I consider myself happy that 
Your Highnesses can read in our faces the feelings of our 
love and devotion, of our unshakable loyalty, and of our 
obedience to His Majesty our Emperor and King, and to the 
Most Serene Dynasty of Habsburg-Lorraine. . . . 

All the citizens of the capital city of Sarajevo find that 
their souls are filled with happiness, [no one has recorded the 
Mayor's having stumbled over this or the following passages] 
and they most enthusiastically greet Your Highnesses* most 
illustrious visit with the most cordial of welcomes, deeply 
convinced that this stay in our beloved city of Sarajevo will 
ever increase Your Highnesses* most gracious interest in our 
progress and well-being, and ever fortify our own most pro- 
found gratitude and loyalty, a loyalty that shall dwell im- 
mutably in our hearts, and that shall grow forever. 

In this enthusiasm, we call out from our hearts to Your 

Welcome! Long live our beloved and most exalted guests: 
His Royal and Imperial Highness, the Most Serene Arch- 
duke Heir Apparent Franz Ferdinand, and Her Highness, 
Duchess Sophie! 

Princip 131 

God maintain His Royal and Imperial Apostolic Majesty, 
Our Most Gracious Lord Franz Joseph I, Emperor and King! 

Franz Ferdinand, stepping forward to give his reply, 
showed that he was more skillful in coping with an unex- 
pected situation, and was able to think of at least a few 
appropriate extemporaneous words: 

It gives me special pleasure [said the still shaken Archduke] 
to accept the assurances of your unshakable loyalty and af- 
fection for His Majesty, our Most Gracious Emperor and 
King. I thank you cordially, Mr. Mayor, for the resounding 
ovations with which the population received me and my wife, 
the more so since I see in them an expression of pleasure over 
the failure of the assassination attempt. 

To my sincere satisfaction, I was in the fortunate position 
of convincing myself personally, during this brief stay in your 
midst, of the satisfying development of this magnificent re- 
gion, in the prosperity of which I have always taken the most 
lively interest. 

So far, the Archduke had spoken in German. He now 
changed to Serbo-Croatian to finish his speech: 

May I ask you [he said to the Mayor] to give my cordial 
greetings to the inhabitants of this beautiful capital city, 
and assure you of my unchanged regard and favor. 

Both speeches had been given in front of the City Hall. 
The crowd shouted its applause, and Franz Ferdinand tried 
very hard to show a smiling face. Everyone entered the 
City Hall, Sophie to go upstairs to receive a delegation o 
the town's Moslem ladies, while Franz Ferdinand and his 
entourage remained in the vestibule downstairs. 


Count Harrach's Protection 

Once inside, the first thing Franz Ferdinand did was 
to draft a telegram to the Emperor. Fearing that exaggerated 
news stories of Cabrinovid's attempt might appear in the 
press, he sent Franz Joseph a brief and reassuring account 
of what had happened. 

There had meanwhile been a telephone call from the 
garrison hospital to the City Hall, saying that Merizzi's 
wounds were slight, and that he was in no danger. Franz 
Ferdinand discussed the welcome piece of news with the 
assembled officials, and announced his intention of visit- 
ing Merizzi at the hospital. He also asked if the bomb- 
thrower had been arrested. When told that he had been, his 
temper flared again. "J ust watch it," he said, "instead of 
rendering the fellow harmless they will be truly Austrian 
about it and give him the medal of merit." 

The discussion next turned to the most crucial topic of 
all what was to be done about the remaining program for 
the day? Plans called for an hour's visit to the National 
Museum before going to the farewell lunch at the Gov- 
ernor's Residence, the Konak, but to drive through the 
crowded and narrow streets of the old city after having just 
escaped one bomb was obviously inadvisable. Potiorek said 
that he considered another attack unlikely, and Dr. Gerde, 
the Commissioner of Police, who joined the group just as 
Potiorek was saying this, agreed. Even so, Potiorek sug- 
gested canceling the visit to the museum. Instead, he said, 
the Archduke might consider going directly to lunch, or 
returning to Ilidze by driving down the Appel Quay at 
high speed. 

No, Franz Ferdinand said, he did not wish to do either, 
for he definitely intended to visit Merizzi at the hospital. 

Princip 133 

Afterwards, they might go to the museum by a roundabout 

Here Baron Rumerskirch, Franz Ferdinand's Chamber- 
lain, interrupted with a sensible question. Where was the 
hospital, he asked Potiorek. Could one reach it without 
passing through the city? 

Yes, said Potiorek, all one has to do is to drive straight 
down the Appel Quay. 

One of the members of Franz Ferdinand's retinue still 
felt uneasy. Would it not be better, he asked, to change the 
day's plans very radically? Why not stay at the City Hall 
until two companies of troops could be brought into town, 
and orders issued to evacuate the streets? 

Potiorek said No, the troops weren't in proper uniform 
to be lining the streets. 

The suggestion was dropped. They would drive along 
the Appel Quay to the hospital, visit Merizzi, and go on 
to the museum. 

Colonel Bardolff, the Chief of Franz Ferdinand's Military 
Chancellery, and one of the few who kept a clear head 
during the discussion, thought of summing up the new 
arrangements, and of asking the Commissioner of Police 
to repeat them. Gerde, without really listening, said "Yes, 
yes, certainly," and rushed away. No one, apparently, 
stopped to give the necessary new instructions to the driver 
of Franz Ferdinand's car. 

Potiorek and Gerde had not only made an ill-considered 
decision; they had also bungled one of its most essential 
details. In mitigation, it might be said that both were act- 
ing under a strain. Potiorek, who had been riding in Franz 
Ferdinand's car, and had just avoided being torn apart by 
an assassin's bomb through a sheer piece of luck, must still 
have been badly scared. Gerde, whose police force had not 


been watchful enough to prevent the occurrence, must have 
been a thoroughly worried man at that moment. Merizzi, 
Potiorek's aide who might normally have been expected 
to make sure that the driver received his changed instruc- 
tions, was in the hospital. Also, it should seem all but un- 
imaginable that one assassination attempt might be followed 
by any others on one and the same day. "Do you think that 
Sarajevo is full of assassins?" was the rhetorical question 
which Potiorek reportedly asked a member of Franz Ferdi- 
nand's entourage who was suggesting greater caution. 

Having decided on the new route, Franz Ferdinand 
apparently willing to take chances for himself, but reluc- 
tant to do so where his wife's safety was involved asked 
Baron Morsey to drive Sophie either directly to the Gov- 
ernor's residence or to Ilidze, and to take along a soldier of 
the guard for added protection. Morsey went upstairs, but 
found the reception of Moslem ladies still in progress. Since 
the ladies had unveiled their faces for the Duchess, no man 
was allowed to enter, and Morsey had to wait outside the 

The reception was proving something of a strain on 
Sophie. She was plainly suffering from the aftereffects of 
the assassination attempt, and was extraordinarily quiet at 
first. She soon regained control of herself, however. Talk- 
ing about her children, she pointed to a little Turkish girl 
in the room, and said, "You see, this girl is just about as 
tall as my Sophie." A little later, she expressed some worry. 
"We have never left our children alone for this long," she 

When the reception was over, and she emerged from the 
room, Morsey helped her into her coat and told her about 
the Archduke's request. The Duchess, in a manner that was 
at once friendly and determined, refused. She said: "As 

Princip 135 

long as the Archduke shows himself in public today I will 
not leave him." By way of reply, Baron Morsey bowed. 

Downstairs, Franz Ferdinand himself asked his wife to 
change her mind, but she remained firm, saying, according 
to one report, "No Franz, I am going with you." 

At the foot of the City Hall steps, the cars drew up to 
take everyone to the hospital. Their order was the same as 
on the way in, with the Mayor's car in the lead again. 

There was to be one difference in the seating arrange- 
ments, however. Count Harrach opened the door of his 
car and helped the Duchess into it. When Franz Ferdinand 
and Potiorek were seated too, Harrach, instead of taking 
his former place by the driver's side, stepped onto the left 
running board, to shield the Archduke and the Duchess 
with his body, Harrach's choice of the left rather than the 
right running board probably was an instinctive one. Stand- 
ing there, he would be away from the side closest to the 
curb, but he would be acting as a shield against the river 
side of the Quay, which was where Cabrinovic had hurled 
his bomb from that morning. The Archduke laughed, and 
told Harrach not to bother, but the Count insisted. Har- 
rach's gesture was a wonderfully Austrian one kind, im- 
pulsive, brave, chivalrous, and ineffectual. 

As the cars drove by, the crowds broke into loud cheers, 
and the gratified Archduke turned to Harrach to comment 
on the warmth of the reception. But once again, the crowd 
contained assassins. 

By the first bridge past the City Hall, the Kaiser Bridge, 
stood Trifko Grabez. He had stationed himself there after 
his failure to do his part earlier in the morning, thinking 
as he said in court later that he might have another chance 
to kill the Archduke if the cars were to cross the Kaiser 


Bridge to drive to the Konak, Instead, he watched them 
go straight down the Appel Quay, and did nothing. 

At least two of his accomplices also had remained near 
the Appel Quay, hoping for a second chance, and crossing 
the street from the river side to be closer to the returning 
cars. One was Vaso Cubrilovi^. The other was Gavrilo 


After Cabrinovic's arrest. Princip had left his post on 
the Lateiner Bridge, and walked across to the shady side 
of the street. He felt that there were too many people for 
comfort on the Quay, and took a few steps down Franz 
Joseph Street, Sarajevo's principal shopping center, stop- 
ping outside the spacious and elegant food shop of Moritz 
Schiller. Here, the crowd was not quite so dense, and the 
solicitous Mr. Schiller even found room to set down a chair 
on the sidewalk for one of his lady customers. 

A friend of Princip's, Mihailo Pusara, passed by, and 
asked Princip whether he had seen the bomb attack. Princip 
thought it wisest not to react to the question. Pusara, still 
sociable, asked if Princip had any news from a certain 
friend of theirs. As Princip was answering him, they heard 
loud cries of Zivio, and saw the first two cars turn into their 

Franz Ferdinand's chauffeur, not knowing that the day's 
plans had been changed, had simply followed the Mayor's 
car in front of him. The driver of that car either because 
he, too, was unfamiliar with the new program, or because 
the Mayor was confused on who was to go to the museum 
and who was to call on Merizzi at the hospital had followed 

Princip 137 

the exact route mapped out for the museum visit, and made 
a right turn into Franz Joseph Street. 

General Potiorek, realizing the mistake, immediately 
leaned toward the driver and called: "What is this? This 
is the wrong way I We're supposed to take the Appel Quay!*' 

The driver put his foot on the brake, and began to back 
up. The maneuver put the car straight in line with Princip. 
Princip stepped forward, drew his gun, and at a distance of 
not more than five feet, fired twice. Harrach, standing on 
the left running board away from the curb, offered no ob- 
stacle, and one bullet pierced Franz Ferdinand's neck, 
while the other entered Sophie's abdomen. 

"I aimed at the Archduke . . . ," Princip told the in- 
vestigating judge during his first interrogation shortly 
afterwards. "I do not remember what I thought at that 
moment. I only know that I fired twice, or perhaps several 
times, without knowing whether I had hit or missed. ..." 

Potiorek, who had happened to look straight at Princip's 
face during the shooting, was surprised at the weak detona- 
tion made by the gun's going off. Turning his attention to 
Franz Ferdinand and Sophie, he had the impression that 
the shots had missed their mark, for both continued to sit 
upright. He thought it wiser to cancel the hospital visit 
under the circumstances, however, and called to the chauf- 
feur to back up and to drive across the Lateiner Bridge to 
the Konak. 

All the cars behind had come to a halt, and their occu- 
pants scurried out to see if their help was needed. Their 
first impression, like Potiorek's, was that no one had been 
seriously hurt, but to be on the safe side, Major Hiitten- 
brenner hurried off in search of a doctor. Lieutenant Grein, 
the owner of the last car, and Baron Morsey ran past them, 
and threw themselves into the melee around Princip. 


The Arrest 

Having fired at his two victims, Princip turned the gun 
on himself, intending to commit suicide with a third shot. 
A spectator standing behind him, a man named Ante Veli<5, 
saw what he was doing, threw himself forward, and seized 
Princip's right arm. Seconds later, the mob had closed in 
on them. 

A policeman tried to arrest Princip, but too many people 
barred his way. A Catholic student of theology, Danilo 
Pusii, grabbed Princip by the collar. Princip twisted free, 
but Pusi caught hold of him again. For a moment, Pusi 
thought of strangling him, but then, as he told it later, he 
thought of his Eternal Judge, and rejected the temptation. 

For a while, everything was utter confusion. Grein and 
Morsey drew their sabers and struck out at Princip, who 
still held his automatic. Dozens of hands seemed to reach 
out to seize him, but could not twist the gun away from 
him, for Princip had put his gun hand between his knees. 
Suddenly the furious Morsey saw the automatic, still black 
with smoke, coming up, aiming or so it seemed straight 
at his dress uniform trousers, and circling twice before it 
disappeared again. 

Morsey continued his saber thrusts at Princip. One of 
the blows caught the hand with which the dogged Pui 
was holding Princip. Pui, to his immense relief, noticed 
that the saber apparently had not been sharpened for a long 

Some sensible soul shouted: "Don't kill him!" Someone 
less kindly disposed struck Morsey several powerful blows 
on the back of his helmet with an iron bar. Morsey thrashed 
about with his saber and shouted: "I'll kill whoever touches 
me!" Spying a man at his side who looked like a police 

Princip 139 

officer, Morsey pointed his saber at Princip and called: 
"Arrest him!" Voices from the crowd yelled: "Go away!" 

A young Moslem detective, Smail Spahovid, had in fact 
been standing about ten feet away from Princip on Franz 
Joseph Street with instructions to watch the crowds rather 
than the cars. He had heard the shots, of course, but had 
been unable to make out who had fired them. He now 
pressed through the mob, and managed to seize Princip. 

He was ill rewarded for his efforts. From somewhere, 
a fist shot out and dealt him a powerful blow in the stomach. 
Princip, who had gained some ground, followed up this 
punishment by raising his gun and bringing it down again 
on Spahovid's head, unappreciative of the fact that the po- 
liceman was rescuing him from a lynching. 

Finally Spahovid, together with the chief of his squad 
who had come to his aid, succeeded in dragging Princip 
away. Spahovic's stomach hurt furiously from the blow, 
and on reaching the Appel Quay, he asked another police- 
man to take over. 

Sometime during all this commotion, Princip managed 
to take the cyanide out of his pocket and swallow it. 

Just as in Cabrinovid's case, the poison was ineffective. All 
it did was to cause him a severe stomach pain and much 
vomiting. The poison given them by their Belgrade em- 
ployers had been too old. The consequences of this bit of 
negligence were truly momentous. Had Cabrinovid's and 
Princip's suicide attempts succeeded both of them did 
take their poison the Austrians might have remained en- 
tirely in the dark about the background of the crime, in 
which case, there would very likely have been no Austro- 
Serbian crisis, and hence no World War, in 19 14. 

As Princip was being led away, his bomb slipped from 
him. Pusid, the theology student who had been the first to 


lay hands on Princip, saw it lying in the street, and called 
a warning to a policeman. Another spectator had seen it too, 
and while not wholly sure what the black, boxlike object 
was, shouted: "Watch out! Don't step on the bomb!" Hear- 
ing him, some people panicked, while others were too ex- 
cited to care, and the police, arriving in strength now, 
had a far from easy time clearing the scene. 

Princip, meanwhile, had arrived at the police first-aid 
post. He was in a pitiable state disheveled, vomiting, and 
bleeding from several cuts on his head. 

The Trip to the Konak 

On the way to the Governor's Residence across the river, 
it became apparent how wrong Potiorek's initial optimism 
had been, and how seriously Franz Ferdinand and Sophie 
had been hurt. As the car was reversing to cross the Lateiner 
Bridge, a thin streak of blood shot from the Archduke's 
mouth onto Count Harrach's right cheek. Harrach, still on 
the left running board, had been bending over Franz Fer- 
dinand. He drew out a handkerchief to still the gushing 

The Duchess, seeing this, called: "For Heaven's sake! 
What happened to you?" and sank from her seat, her face 
falling between her huband's knees. 

Harrach, not realizing that she had been hit, thought 
that she had fainted. Potiorek, sitting opposite her, reached 
over and tried to help her to sit up. He, too, thought that 
she was suffering from nothing worse than shock. 

Only her husband seemed to have an instinct for what 
was happening. Turning to his wife despite the bullet in 
his neck, Franz Ferdinand pleaded: "Sopherl! Sopherl! 
Sterbe nicht! Bleibe am Leben fiir unsere Kinder! Sophie 

Princip 141 

dear! Sophie dear! Don't die! Stay alive for our children!" 

Having said this, he seemed about to sag down himself. 
His plumed general's hat, which had made him an easily 
recognized target for Princip's bullets, fell off; many of its 
green feathers later were found all over the car's floor. 
Count Harrach seized the Archduke by the uniform collar 
to hold him up. He asked: "Leiden Eure Kaiserliche Hoheit 
sehr? Is Your Imperial Highness suffering very badly?" 

"Es ist nichts It is nothing/* said the Archduke in a 
weak but audible voice. He seemed to be losing conscious- 
ness, but, his voice growing steadily weaker, he repeated the 
phrase "es ist nichts'' perhaps six or seven times more. 

A rattle began to issue from his throat, which subsided 
as the car drew up in front of the Konak. Two or three 
doctors, summoned by Major von Hiittenbrenner, were 
already waiting for them. Four more were to arrive a few 
minutes later from the garrison hospital, in response to an 
urgent telephone call made by Major Hoger. 

Several aides converged on the car, lifted up Sophie and 
Franz Ferdinand, and carried them inside the Governor's 
Residence. Crossing the vestibule, they carried them up one 
flight of stairs, gently placing Sophie on the bed of Po- 
tiorek's bedroom, and Franz Ferdinand on a couch in the 
adjoining study. 

The Death of Sophie 

Assisted by Countess Lanjus and Colonel von Bardolff, 
Dr. Wolfgang of the garrison hospital who not two hours 
before had given first aid to the spectators wounded by 
Cabrinovid's bomb began to examine Sophie. Lieutenant 
Grein and Major Hoger meanwhile rushed out in search of 
a bottle of ether. 


It did not take Dr. Wolfgang long to discover that Sophie 
was beyond medical aid. By the time Hoger returned with 
his ether, the doctor had found the death-wound, a small, 
dark red spot in the region of Sophie's right groin. 

Princip's bullet, passing through the car door and the 
upholstery of the seat, had entered Sophie's stomach, where, 
after opening her stomach artery, it came to rest. She had 
died from internal bleeding; presumably, she was no longer 
alive as she was being carried into the Konak. Her worried 
question, after Princip's shots, about her husband had 
been her last words. 

Countess Lanjus, her lady in waiting, closed Sophie's 
eyes. Quickly, someone found flowers to place on her body 
v the bouquet given her by the little girl during the 
morning's City Hall reception, and flowers taken from the 
decoration of the Konak's dining room table, set for the 
luncheon that was to have been given in her and Franz 
Ferdinand's honor at noon. 

"His Highness' Sufferings Are Over" 

As soon as he realized that Sophie was dead, Colonel von 
Bardolff hurried into the next room, to see if there was 
anything he could do for Franz Ferdinand. Here he found 
Dr. Payer, a regimental surgeon who had administered first 
aid to Cabrinovi6's victims with Dr. Wolfgang that morn- 
ing. With Dr. Payer were four other doctors, summoned 
by Hoger from the garrison hospital, where they had been 
treating the wounded Merizzi Dr. Arnstein, Dr. Pollaco, 
Dr. Hochmann, and Franz Ferdinand's personal physician, 
Dr. Fischer. 

The Archduke was lying on an ottoman, over which a 
tablet proclaimed that Emperor Franz Joseph had stayed 

Princip 143 

and worked in that room during his visit in 1910. He was 
in a deep coma. His breathing was barely audible, and his 
heartbeat and pulse were faint. Blood flowed from his neck 
and mouth. 

To help Dr. Payer, several aides were trying to undress 
Franz Ferdinand, but they could not manage to open the 
clasp on his general's sash. At this moment, Baron Morsey 
entered. He had walked to the Governor's Residence after 
his slightly quixotic attempt to assist in Princip's arrest, 
and he had raced up the stairs when a very pale Lieutenant 
Grein told him at the door of the Konak that Sophie was 
dead, and Franz Ferdinand badly wounded. In a flash, 
Morsey recalled how early that morning, the Archduke had 
proudly shown him the new and elaborate clasp holding 
his sash together. Making an effort to remember exactly 
how the clasp had worked, he tried to undo it, but in his 
excitement he had no more luck than the others. Hastily, 
he took out a pen knife, and cut away at the sash, throwing 
the blood-soaked pieces far into the room behind him. 

Someone cut open the Archduke's shirt with a pair of 
scissors, and hands reached out to help him up into a sitting 
position. As Franz Ferdinand's back was being raised, blood 
spurted into Morsey's face and onto the yellow cuffs of his 
uniform. For a few moments, Franz Ferdinand seemed to 
be feeling better with the blood flowing freely, and his 
breathing became more audible. Major von Hiitten- 
brenner, suddenly regaining hope, rushed out of the room 
for some ether. 

Dr. Payer, however, remained pessimistic. We'll be 
lucky, he said softly, if we get him to the garrison hospital 

Baron Morsey knelt down by the Archduke's side, and 
asked him if he had any message for his children. Franz 


Ferdinand could no longer reply. His lips, Morsey saw, 
were stiffening. 

At about 11:00 A.M., within a quarter of an hour of 
Sophie's death, Dr. Payer said: "No more human aid can be 
given here. His Highness' sufferings are over." 

One by one, the men present came forward, and kissed 
Franz Ferdinand's hand. Baron Rumerskirch, his Chamber- 
lain, closed the dead Archduke's eyes. 

Like Sophie, Franz Ferdinand had died from internal 
bleeding. Princip's bullet had pierced his jugular vein, 
and come to rest in his spine. Dr. Payer had briefly con- 
templated an emergency operation right at the Konak, but 
with the bullet lodged where it was, the doctors' opinion was 
that an operation would mean certain death. 

Two priests, called when there no longer was a doubt that 
the murder victims were beyond medical aid, gave Franz 
Ferdinand and Sophie absolution in extremis, and per- 
formed the last unction. One, dressed in his brown friar's 
cowl, was the head of the Franciscan establishments in 
Bosnia, Brother Mihacevii. The other was the Jesuit Father 
Puntigam, now a teacher in Sarajevo, who, it so happened, 
had once been confessor to the Archduke. 

The bodies of Franz Ferdinand and Sophie were placed 
on two metal bedsteads next to one another as on temporary 
biers. More clergymen arrived to say prayers for the dead 
Archbishop Stadler of Sarajevo, a military chaplain from 
the garrison, and several of the town's priests. 

Downstairs, in the Konak's banquet room, the table set 
for the now canceled lunch in honor of the visitors from 
Vienna had meanwhile been hastily cleared of china, silver, 
and linen, so that it might serve as a work table for Potiorek, 
Rumerskirch, and their staffs. For several hours, they sat 
there, drafting a formal protocol of the morning's events, 

16. The Reception in Mo- 
star on the way to Sara- 
jevo, June 25, 1914. On the 
right, in light coat and 
with plumed helmet, Franz 
Ferdinand. Half hidden 
behind him, Governor 
Potiorek. In the center, 
Franz Ferdinand's Cham- 
berlain, Baron Rumer- 

17. At the maneuvers: 
Franz Ferdinand (third 
from left) and his Staff in 
the Bosnian mountains, 
June 27, 1914. 

18. Leaving the City Hall 
June 28, 1914. Sophie and 
Franz Ferdinand descend 
the steps and approach the 
waiting car. 

19. A few minutes before the assassination, the departure from City Hall. Franz Ferdi- 
nand, in plumed helmet, has taken his seat in the car on the left, with Sophie to his right. 
On the running board, to protect the couple stands Count Harrach. 

21. After the. assassination, 
Franz Ferdinand's bloodied and 
torn uniform coat. 

20. After the assassination, Princip's arrest. 

Princip 145 

dispatching reports to Vienna on the crime and on the re- 
sults of Princip 's and Cabrinovi6's first interrogations, ask- 
ing the Emperor's instructions, issuing orders. Only when 
the most urgent work was finished did they remember to 
have a light lunch served. 

The most painful message of all was sent by Baron 
Morsey. It contained the news of the assassination, and 
was addressed to Dr. Stanowsky, the tutor of Franz Ferdi- 
nand's and Sophie's three children. 


Riots and Sympathy 

"A Decent Member of Bourgeois Society" 

The news of Franz Ferdinand's and Sophie's death spread 
fast through Sarajevo. In the evening, the first sporadic anti- 
Serb demonstrations took place. They sufficiently alarmed 
Dr. Gerde, Sarajevo's Commissioner of Police, to make him 
put in a request for troops. The Commanding General, von 
Appel, replied to Gerde's appeal by sending two infantry 
companies into town. The demonstrators' mood was still 
pacific, however, and, as Appel reported later, the troops 
were soon able to return to their barracks "without being 
forced to take any action/ 1 

It was not long before they were needed again, for at 
about 9:30 the next morning, Monday, June 29, the storm 
broke, as mobs of Croats and Moslems went on a rampage 
against the city's Serbs. To the London Times' shocked 
correspondent, the mob seemed made up "of the lowest 
elements, particularly in the Moslem quarter," and an 
Austrian observer agreed that it consisted of the "work-shy 


Riots and Sympathy 147 

riffraff from town and country." One equally appalled cor- 
respondent from Vienna, however, reported having seen 
"many very well dressed ladies and gentlemen" among 
them as well. 

Carrying black-draped flags and pictures of the Emperor, 
Franz Ferdinand, and Sophie, singing the national anthem, 
and shouting Zivio for the Empire and the Habsburgs, one 
large mob proceeded to the place of the assassination, where 
they knelt and prayed for the salvation of the souls of 
Princip's two victims. After listening to patriotic speeches, 
they proceeded to the Sarajevo Cathedral, where they said 
more prayers for the dead. Many wept. 

The same mob then went on to assault whatever Serbs 
they could lay their hands on, to smash Serb property, to 
loot and pillage. By early afternoon, there was hardly an 
undamaged Serb school, club, house, or store left in Sara- 
jevo. The mob broke into Sarajevo's best hotel, the "Eu- 
rope," which belonged to a prominent Serb, and left it a 
shambles. They attacked and demolished the offices of the 
city's two Serb newspapers. They broke the windows of 
the Serb-Orthodox Metropolitan's Palace. The Metropol- 
itan he had been one of the guests of honor at Franz Fer- 
dinand's state banquet in Ilidze two days before suffered 
cuts on his left hand from pieces of glass as he stood behind 
a window of his palace watching the mob. 

At eleven o'clock in the morning, the civilian authorities, 
apparently aware that Sarajevo's small police force was no 
match for the demonstrators, asked that troops be held in 
readiness. An hour later, as the riots continued unabated, 
General von Appel decided to take matters into his own 
hands, and to restore order. Governor Potiorek seems to 
have been paralyzed into inaction at this time; the day be- 
fore, too, it had been Appel and not Potiorek who had 


had the presence of mind to order the troops back from 
the maneuver area Into town. He took no exception to the 
Commanding General's measure, however, and in less than 
four hours three battalions and one squadron of troops, as- 
sisted by the police, had cleared the streets of demonstrators 
without having had to fire a single shot. 

A few determined hooligans tried to go on rioting for a 
while longer, but the proclamation of martial law which 
Potiorek issued at four o'clock in the afternoon effectively 
cooled their ardor. All inns, read the proclamation, were 
to close at 8:00 P.M., and coffee shops and "first-class hotels" 
at ten. No more than three people were allowed to walk 
together in the street, all public assemblies were banned, 
and young people under fifteen were made subject to a 
7:00 P.M. curfew. Violators of these orders were threat- 
ened with penalties that ranged from light prison sentences 
to death. 

Fifty persons had been wounded in the day's rioting, 
some of them severely. One man had been killed. (He was 
not a Serb, but a member of the mob killed by a Serb in 
self-defense.) Rough estimates of property destroyed ran as 
high as five million crowns, or about one million dollars at 
the then rate of exchange. "Sarajevo," reported the cor- 
respondent of the conservative Vienna Reichspost on June 
go, "looks like the scene of a pogrom today." 

Actually, the physical destruction was not quite as bad 
as originally feared. In some ways, business even profited 
from the events of June 28 and 29 the murder and the 
riots were serving as a grisly form of vacation attraction. 
For several days, numbers of tourists descended on Sarajevo, 
to look at the spot from which Cabrinovi<5 had thrown his 
bomb, at Schiller's food store in front of which Princip 
had fired his fatal shots, and at the smashed windows and 

Riots and Sympathy 149 

broken furniture left by the rioting mob, taking many a 
photograph of all these scenes. 

Only the earliest visitors, however, found many traces 
of the rioting. A Russian diplomat, sent to Sarajevo by his 
government on a fact-finding mission a week and a half after 
the crime, reported back that nearly all of the damage had 
been repaired, that the shops were open, the streetcars full, 
and traffic heavy. On the surface, at least, everything had 
returned to normal. 

Beneath it, tension did not disappear that easily. "To the 
Esteemed Citizens, Officials, and Military Personnel of 
Sarajevo/' ran one sad advertisement in the pro-govern- 
ment Sarajevoer Tagblatt on July 4, which was signed by 
"Several [anonymous] Citizens of Sarajevo." Five days be- 
fore, the advertisement read, the inn belonging to one Kosta 
Kontos had been completely demolished, on the mistaken 
assumption that Kontos was a Serb. This was not so the 
innkeeper was a Greek. Moreover, he had always been en- 
tirely loyal to the monarchy. 

Since this error has caused him great material damage 
[the advertisement continued], he asks his honored customers 
for their continued confidence, declaring most emphatically 
that he always has been, and always will be, a decent member 
of bourgeois society, and a respecter of the laws of Austria- 
Hungary, the orders of the authorities, and civic order. 

He is still in business and would like to continue in busi- 
ness. He asks all his friends and customers for their fair un- 
derstanding, confidence, and patronage. . . . 

Collecting for a Monument 

Over Potiorek's objections, Minister of Finance Bilinski, 
the Governor's superior as the head of the entire civil ad- 


ministration of Bosnia-Herzegovina, indignantly ordered 
the compensation of Sarajevo's "peaceful citizens" for the 
damages they had suffered. They were to be paid from gov- 
ernment funds, Bilinski wired, and the administration was 
not to take refuge in pleading force majeure. 

Potiorek, while willing enough to use relief funds to 
extend emergency aid to any Serb needing such aid as a 
result of the riots, opposed any full-scale compensation. By 
their blatantly obvious lack of sympathy for Franz Ferdi- 
nand and Sophie, he argued, they had done much to bring 
the day's violence on themselves. 

A bitterly reproachful exchange of letters between 
Bilinski and Potiorek ensued. Bilinski, who had always 
favored a conciliatory policy toward Bosnia's Serbs, asked 
that "the old course" be maintained. Potiorek did not see 
things that way. The Minister, after guardedly blaming 
Potiorek for the insufficient security precautions taken to 
protect the Archduke, added some harsh words about the 
"riot and plunder" that had followed, " in the face of which 
the police proved helpless." Potiorek, stung by both charges, 
denied that the demonstrations had been that bad, or the 
police that remiss in their duties. 

But at any rate, the riots were over, and there was time 
for some more worthy expression of sympathy for the mur- 
dered Archduke and Duchess. On June 29, the presiding 
officers of Bosnia's parliament issued a statement condemn- 
ing the deed and the pan-Serb agitation behind it. Many 
messages of condolence from Bosnia began to arrive at the 
Imperial Chancellery in Vienna. (Just how sincere these 
were is another matter. One, for example, was signed by 
Misko Jovanovii, the cinema manager in Tuzla who had 
helped Princip and Cabrinovi<^ on the underground route 

Riots and Sympathy 151 

from Belgrade, and had hidden their bombs and guns for 

A local newspaper sponsored a collection to erect a monu- 
ment on the place of the murder. The list of contributions, 
published every day, at times makes strange reading. The 
Serb-Orthodox Metropolitan, hurt in the rioting, sent 200 
crowns, the largest contribution that day. Lazar Djuki<5, 
who, while refusing to take part in the assassination him- 
self, had recruited Vaso Cubrilovic for it, contributed one 
crown, or not quite 25 cents. Dr. Gerde, whose police force 
had proved unable to prevent the murder, offered 50 

"Hail to the Gun of Princip" 

The news of Princip's crime caused world-wide shock, 
even though few people yet guessed what its eventual conse- 
quences were going to be. Telegrams and letters of con- 
dolence poured into Vienna as soon as the murders became 
known. Many European courts went into mourning. King 
George V commanded the British court to wear mourning 
for one week beginning June 28; Tsar Nicholas II of 
Russia ordered twelve days' court mourning in memory of 
Franz Ferdinand. 

Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany and President Wilson of the 
United States were of the same mind when it came to ex- 
pressing their sympathies for the murdered couple. The 
German Emperor, recalling his recent visit to Konopisht, 
sent a telegram to Franz Ferdinand's children which read: 

We can hardly find words to tell you children how our 
hearts bleed, thinking of you and of your indescribable 
misery. Only two weeks ago we spent such lovely hours with 


your parents, and now we hear of this terrible sadness that 
you must suffer. May God protect you and give you the 
strength to bear this blow. The blessing of the parents reaches 
beyond the grave. 

The President of the United States sent the following 
telegram o condolence to Emperor Franz Joseph: 

Washington, June 2 9, 1914 

Deeply shocked at the atrocious murder of His Imperial 
and Royal Highness Archduke Francis Ferdinand and Con- 
sort at an assassin's hands, I extend to Your Majesty, to the 
Imperial and Royal family, and to the Government of 
Austria-Hungary the sincere condolences of the Government 
and people of the United States and an expression of my own 
profound sympathy. 


And yet, behind several of these professions of sympathy 
there lay a good deal of relief. The horror over the crime 
was genuine enough, and a widespread initial impression 
that the assassination had been organized by anarchists may 
have caused a personal enough feeling of involvement at 
many a royal and presidential residence. On the other 
hand, Franz Ferdinand's political plans had created much 
fear and worry, either because of their apparent vagueness 
or because, as in some countries, they seemed to make him 
look like a potential future enemy. Franz Ferdinand never 
had had a good press in his lifetime, and there were few 
people who truly mourned him now. 

The crime was a terrible one, of course, the Italian For- 
eign Minister told one ambassador in a startlingly wrong 
prediction, "but world peace will not be any worse off." 

Riots and Sympathy 153 

The Italian press, reported the British Ambassador in 
Rome to London, was vociferous in denouncing the crime, 
yet "it is obvious that people generally have regarded the 
elimination of the late Archduke as almost providential/' 
In France and Russia, the feeling was very much the same. 
The prevailing mood was best summed up perhaps by the 
eminently unsentimental King Nicholas of Montenegro. 
According to "an absolutely reliable but secret source," 
wrote the French Minister, the King "does not approve the 
action itself, . . . but he is delighted with the result." 

Several journalists, unhampered by governmental respon- 
sibilities, could afford to be even blunter in their comments. 
Not all, however, went as far as an Italian editor named 
Benito Mussolini then a Socialist who some months 
after the event wrote: "Hail to the gun of Princip and to 
the bomb of Cabrinovid:!" 

Serbian Condolences 

In Serbia, a majority of the people probably felt the same 
way about Franz Ferdinand's disappearance from the scene, 
but the government took immediate measures to prevent 
them from giving voice to their sentiments. 

The news of Princip's crime reached Belgrade on Sunday 
afternoon. The Russian Minister, upon hearing it, re- 
portedly expressed what must have been the fears of many 
a responsible Serbian politician at that moment. "In heav- 
en's name!" he said. "Let us hope he is not a Serbian." 
Kaiser Wilhelm's comment, when he read about the Minis- 
ter's remark, was unkind. "After all," wrote the Emperor, 
"he would have known!" 

General Bozo Jankovii, the president o the now innocu- 
ous Narodna Odbrana and a member of Pass's cabinet, at 


about the same time was saying very much the same thing 
to a Hungarian official. That afternoon, Jankovic was on a 
train headed for the Adriatic coast with his family for a 
summer vacation, and hence found himself on Austro-Hun- 
garian territory. As the train sped toward the Croatian capi- 
tal of Zagreb, two friends hastily entered his compartment, 
and asked him to step into the corridor with them for a 
minute. Lowering their voices, they told him that the train 
was full of Austrian officials word had just been received 
at the last station that Franz Ferdinand and Sophie had 
been murdered in Sarajevol 

The General went pale. He had attended the meeting 
in which Pasi had told of having learned about the plot, 
and in which the fruitless decision had been reached to stop 
the assassins at the border. He therefore must have had a 
fair idea of what the news meant, even though the Narodna 
Odbrana was not a direct accessory to the crime. 

After a few moments of near panic, Jankovid: recovered 
his composure. Let us stay in our compartments, he told his 
two friends, and pretend ignorance. 

Having arrived at his destination, the Adriatic port city 
of Fiume, he hired a fiacre to take him to the Hungarian 
Prefect. Expressing his regrets over the morning's unfortu- 
nate occurrence, he asked whether there was any definite 
information yet about the assassin's identity. Jankovid 
already had some thoughts on the subject, but he wanted 
to make sure. 

The assassin, the Prefect said, was a Serb, meaning that 
he was a Serb ethnically and linguistically, but not a Serbian 
by nationality. 

"Since I had learned before that the assassin was a 
Bosnian," Jankovid has recalled the scene, "and since he 
[the Prefect] confirmed this, I replied that it was a relief 

Riots and Sympathy 155 

to me, a Serbian cabinet minister, that the assassin at least 
was an Austro-Hungarian and not a Serbian national." 

In Belgrade itself, the news of the murder had created a 
sensation. Some citizens expressed their delight over the 
day's events, but the prevailing mood at first was one o 
utter surprise rather than of pleasure. To prevent private 
feelings of approval from erupting into demonstrations in 
honor of Princip, and to indicate the government's shock, 
the quick-thinking Minister of the Interior ordered all 
theaters, coffee shops, and other places of assembly to close 
at 10:00 P.M. The Belgrade police followed this up by ban- 
ning all public concerts, dances, and other amusements. 

The next morning, the government newspaper carried 
an editorial condemning the deed. Most other Belgrade 
newspapers wrote in a similar vein, although some pointed 
out that it had been a mistake on Franz Ferdinand's part 
to choose Saint Vitus* Day, a day so full of historic associa- 
tions to any Serb, for his visit to Sarajevo. 

Only The Piemont, the organ of the Black Hand, called 
Princip a "y un g martyr," and wrote that the real culprits 
were the Austrians themselves, who had provoked the 
murder by creating an insufferable state of affairs in Bos- 
nia. The Serbian police promptly seized the issue. 

The government also conveyed its formal sympathies to 
the Austrians. Pasi himself was on an election campaign 
in the provinces, but in his place the Minister of Justice 
and the Secretary General of the Foreign Ministry called at 
the Austrian Legation on Monday. The call embarrassed 
everybody concerned. 

The Austrian Minister was absent too from Belgrade at 
that time, and they were received by the charg6 d'affaires 
instead. The charg6, Wilhelm Ritter von Storck, while 
not yet possessing any concrete evidence about the murder 


that pointed to Belgrade, was profoundly convinced that 
the agitation for a Greater Serbia which the government 
had either tolerated or sponsored for so long was ultimately 
responsible for Franz Ferdinand's and Sophie's deaths. For 
years, Storck wrote to Vienna, these people had sowed 
hatred; they had now reaped murder. Storck was one of 
those Austrians who believed that only strong action against 
Serbia could save the Empire. "Serbia must learn to fear us 
again/' he bluntly advised his superiors in Vienna two days 
after Sarajevo, "otherwise our old border regions, and not 
just the annexed provinces, will be in danger." 

His manner in acknowledging his Serbian visitors' con- 
dolences was, as he himself reported it, "reserved but cor- 
rect," incapable as he was of forgetting his suspicions about 
the crime's true origins. As more Serbian dignitaries called 
the King's Cabinet Secretary, the Royal Chamberlain, 
the Crown Prince he grew to dislike his job even more. 
"I was unable to utter much more than the usual thank-you 
phrases," he admitted in his dispatch to Vienna. 

When he reported the announcement of a week's court 
mourning the next day, he added that the gesture struck 
him as another piece of hypocrisy. "If many a person now 
offering his condolences with a properly funeral face, were 
to pass by the bier of the victims, the wounds would begin 
to bleed again." 

There was still one other ordeal ahead of Storck. On 
July 3, a requiem mass for the murdered couple was held 
in the chapel of the Austro-Hungarian Legation. Several 
Serbian cabinet members attended it. Among them was 
Ljuba Jovanovic, the Minister of Education who, like Gen- 
eral Jankovi, had been present when Pasi<5 had revealed 
his advance information about the plot. Jovanovi's feel- 
ings, as he entered the chapel, were torn. On the one hand, 

Riots and Sympathy 157 

he approved of Princip's deed. On the other, he agreed 
with Pasic's efforts to avoid trouble with Austria by acting 
in a wholly innocent manner. "Nevertheless," he wrote in 
what may have been the year's understatement, "both my 
action in going there and the short period during which we 
were in the church were unpleasant to me." 

Three days earlier, before the Austrian government had 
even accused Serbia of any complicity in the crime, Jovano- 
vi<5 had hastened to assure a visiting French diplomat that 
Belgrade had never aided the Bosnian revolutionaries in 
any fashion. We have treated Austria's Serbs, he said, "as 
though they had cholera." 

Pasi, after returning to Belgrade, pursued the same line. 
On July i, again before any formal Austrian charges had 
been made, he sent a circular instruction to all Serbian mis- 
sions abroad. The deed, he wrote, had been generally de- 
plored in Serbia. "It would be absurd to believe that at a 
time when Serbia is doing all it can to bring about better 
and more friendly relations with the neighboring mon- 
archy, it would be capable of provoking such acts directly or 

A week later, the Prime Minister followed this up by a 
remarkable interview he gave to a correspondent of a Buda- 
pest newspaper. The double assassination, he said, had 
caused widespread and honest sympathy in Serbia. The 
criminals clearly were Austrian citizens, and not even citi- 
zens of voting age at that, but foolish children. His govern- 
ment had had no advance knowledge of the plot, nor had it 
been involved in it in any other way. 

Having told one plain untruth not only had he known 
about the plot beforehand, but he had failed to issue an 
adequate warning to the Austrians he added a strange ver- 
sion of an incident that had taken place half a year earlier. 


In the winter of 1913, the Belgrade police had sent a 
routine inquiry to the Austro-Hungarian Consulate, asking 
whether some personal data which Cabrinovic had sub- 
mitted to them agreed with what was known about him at 
the Consulate, or whether he had any criminal record in 
Bosnia. The Consulate sent an equally routine reply, say- 
ing that the information Cabrmovi had given was correct; 
and that he did not in fact have any prison record. 

If only the Austrian police had drawn our attention to 
Princip and Cabrinovic when these two were in Belgrade, 
Pasi mournfully complained to the correspondent. (The 
Austrians, of course, did not realize that Princip was in 
Serbia, since he had gone there illegally. On the other hand, 
the Serbians did know about it, since he was taking the 
official high school examinations given by the Ministry of 
Education, and had met the Minister.) The Serbian Police, 
Pasic said, would have kept a sharp watch on them in that 
case. But it was not just that the Austrian police had been 
derelict about putting their Serbian colleagues on their 
guard. There had been something far worse. The Belgrade 
police, PaSid said, becoming suspicious of Cabrinovid on 
the basis, presumably, of their own evidence, had intended 
to expel the young anarchist from the country. (Actually, 
the young anarchist was holding a job at the Serbian Gov- 
ernment Printing Office that winter.) Upon hearing this, 
the Austrians had interceded in his behalf, and had used 
their efforts to save him from expulsion. 

No Tears in Austria 

In Vienna, rumors about an assassination first began to 
circulate in the early hours of the afternoon. It was terribly 
hot that Sunday, and the streets of the city were all but 

Riots and Sympathy 159 

deserted. Most Viennese had either gone to the country and 
woods that surrounded Vienna, or had chosen to stay in the 
cool darkness of their homes. Even so, small crowds began 
to assemble, discussing the rumors. At 3:00 P.M., one-page 
extra editions reporting the news from Sarajevo reached 
the streets. At the same hour, the Imperial Chamberlain's 
office ordered the Burgtheater to cancel the evening's per- 
formance, and later in the afternoon, all other theaters 
staying open for the summer announced that they, too, 
would remain dark that evening. 

Indignation against Belgrade ran high. It was taken for 
granted that the murder was Serbian inspired, and for sev- 
eral days, the police had their hands full in keeping the 
mobs away from the Serbian Legation. During one such 
scuffle, some ingenious rioters almost scored a brief victory 
when they threw live frogs at the line of mounted police- 
men barring their way, hoping to upset the horses. But de- 
spite the dark theaters and despite the riots, true sorrow 
for Franz Ferdinand was rare. 

Some few people realized that the Archduke, had he 
lived to become Emperor, might have effected those painful 
reforms which Austria-Hungary needed to survive. Many 
more, however, seemed to share the feelings of a respected 
liberal politician who on June 28 wrote in his diary: "Per- 
haps [some day] one will be able to say: 'God meant to be 
kind to Austria by saving it from this Emperor/ " 

Popular sympathy was reserved for Sophie and the or- 
phaned children, but above all for the old Emperor. 

Franz Joseph, in Ischl for his annual summer vacation, 
learned about the murder of his nephew through a tele- 
gram from Potiorek, which arrived within about an hour of 
the event. General Count Paar, his chief aide, took the tele- 
gram to the Emperor. Baron Margutti, another of Franz 


Joseph's aides on duty in Ischl, has given an account in his 
memoirs o what he says Paar told him that evening about 
the Emperor's reaction. Franz Joseph, Margutti quotes 
Paar as telling him, seemed very much affected at first. He 
almost looked as though he had suffered a stroke. For sev- 
eral minutes, he closed his eyes, completely lost in his pri- 
vate thoughts, and not uttering a word. When he finally 
spoke, it was as though he was talking to himself rather than 
to Paar: "Terrible! The Almighty cannot be provoked!" 
And after a pause: "A higher force has restored that order 
which unfortunately I was not able to maintain." 

Whether the Emperor's reaction to his nephew's violent 
death really did take the form of this almost blasphemous 
allusion to Franz Ferdinand's and Sophie's morganatic mar- 
riage is dubious at best. The quotation Is a third-hand one 
what Margutti, some years after the event, claimed Count 
Paar told him about what the Emperor, in turn, had told 
Paar, and Margutti's memoirs are full of entertaining but 
unsubstantiated gossip. Nor was the Emperor as simple 
a man in his speech as he was in his other tastes in the 
habit of speaking in such pretentious or blasphemous 
phrases. Unfortunately, however, Margutti's is the only ac- 
count we have that was written by anyone present in Ischl 
at the time. 


A Strange Funeral 

"There Is No Need For Reproach, Your Majesty" 

Having heard the news of Sarajevo, Franz Joseph gave 
Immediate orders to prepare for the return to Schonbrunn, 
his residence near Vienna. Leaving Ischl at 6:00 A.M. on 
Monday, Franz Joseph and his retinue arrived at Schon- 
brunn five hours later. At the station, the Emperor was 
welcomed by Archduke Carl Franz Joseph, Franz Ferdi- 
nand's nephew. Owing to Franz Ferdinand's oath of re- 
nunciation the price he had had to pay for his morganatic 
marriage in 1900 his children were excluded from the 
succession and Carl, the son of his younger brother Otto, 
had become the new Successor to the Throne. In 1916, in 
the midst of a hopeless war, Carl was to be crowned Austria- 
Hungary's last Emperor. 

Together, Franz Joseph and his grandnephew walked 
out of the station the Emperor had taken the young Arch- 
duke's arm -and drove to Schonbrunn castle. Many specta- 
ators were lining the streets along their way. Some stood 



quietly to show their sympathy; others cheered the Em- 
peror and Carl. In the courtyard, no words were spoken 
in welcome. The courtiers assembled there to greet the 
Emperor did so by bowing silently. 

The Emperor either did not feel his nephew's loss very 
deeply, or else he was suppressing his emotions. Three days 
after his return to Schonbrunn, Colonel Bardolff came to 
give an eyewitness report of the assassination. Having lis- 
tened to him in silence, Franz Joseph, in a low voice, asked 
only one question: "And how did the Archduke bear him- 

"Like a soldier, Your Majesty/' said Bardolff. 

"That was to be expected from His Imperial Highness." 

There was a brief pause. It was broken by the Emperor. 

"And how were the maneuvers?" he asked, speaking in 
his normal tone of voice again, and changing the subject. 

A few days later, he saw Baron Conrad, the Chief of the 
General Staff. Conrad originally had been one of Franz 
Ferdinand's favorites, but in recent years there had been 
many a bitter quarrel between them. 

Franz Joseph's conversation with the Chief of Staff first 
touched upon the recent death of a general whom both had 

"All are dying, only I can't die," said the Emperor. 

"The Lord be thanked," said Conrad. "We're glad you're 

"Yes, yes, but one is so alone then." 

The conversation moved on to the subject of the Bosnian 
maneuvers. He had feared a new conflict with Franz Ferdi- 
nand, Conrad admitted, but the Archduke had been kind 
and charming. 

"Yes," broke in the Emperor. "He has changed recently, 
and for the better. Did he have any premonitions? I re- 

A Strange Funeral 163 

proach myself. He was asking me whether he should not 

forget about the trip." 

"But there is no need for reproaches, Your Majesty." 
"He said he could not bear the great heat/' said the 

Emperor, ready to abandon the subject again. 

Potiorek To Resign? 

Franz Joseph, noted Conrad, while reproaching himself, 
had no word of blame for Potiorek. 

Here, in fact, is one of the strangest aspects of the mur- 
ders. There was, it seemed, no intention to call Potiorek 
and Gerde to account for their negligence. 

There was much public criticism of both men in Austria, 
and even harsher things were being said about them pri- 
vately. The leading Socialist paper, the Arbeiter Zeitung, 
bitterly attacked Potiorek for his share of the responsi- 
bility. The widely respected Liberal paper, the Neue Freie 
Presse, asked editorially: 

Is it really so difficult to know who the fanatics are among 
the propagandized youth; would it really be impossible to 
keep these political birds of passage under observation? We 
do not think so, and it is precisely this which the police in the 
dangerous vicinity of the Balkans have to do if they are to 
fulfill their most basic duties. 

In the same issue, the paper carried an outspoken dis- 
patch from Vienna saying that "the insufficiency of the 
police in Sarajevo is a topic of general conversation." 

Many people, reported the Conservative Reichspost 
from Sarajevo, "are reproaching General Potiorek and 
Police Commissioner Gerde for the poor security service/* 


The streets, these critics were arguing, should have been 
much better guarded, particularly after Cabrinovid's at- 
tempt. "The heads of the Sarajevo police are generally held 
to be very much responsible, and it is likely that there will 
be some retirements/' A week later, on July 7, the Reichs- 
post reported a rumor according to which General Potiorek 
had been asked to submit his resignation. 

"The most indescribable state of affairs must exist among 
the police," angrily exclaimed the Hungarian Prime Minis- 
ter at a secret cabinet meeting about a week after the crime, 
"if on the day of the assassination six or seven individuals 
who were known to the police could take up their positions, 
armed with bombs and guns, along the route of the late 
Successor to the Throne, without the police observing or 
arresting a single one of them." 

"If an archduke should be stung by a fly in some railroad 
station/* the German Ambassador to Vienna privately told 
an Austrian friend, "the station master might well lose his 
job. But no one is as much as bothered for his share in this 
slaughter in the streets of Sarajevo/' 

Everyone, it seemed, was blaming Gerde and Potiorek 
except for the Emperor. Not only did Franz Joseph abstain 
from uttering a single reproach against Potiorek, but in a 
conversation with Bilinski on June 29 he took pains, as the 
Minister reported to Potiorek, "to say some highly appre- 
ciative words of Your Excellency's person/' 

What accounted for the Emperor's attitude? Was it sim- 
ply the resignation of a very old man? Franz Joseph had 
suffered so many personal losses during his long reign that 
the death of his nephew may have seemed no more than 
another inevitable blow of fate, to be borne in dignity and 
silence. Was it his dislike of Franz Ferdinand? The two cer- 

A Strange Funeral 165 

tainly had never got on well with each other. Yet one won- 
ders, for Franz Joseph was too much of a gentleman to have 
welcomed his nephew's death, and too much of a respecter 
of the law to close his eyes to the possibility of criminal 

Was it friendship for Potiorek? The Bosnian Governor 
had the reputation of being one of the most capable gen- 
erals of the Empire, and Franz Joseph had known and liked 
him for years. Gossip had it that in 1906, when the post of 
Chief of the General Staff fell vacant, Franz Joseph would 
have preferred to see Potiorek rather than Conrad ap- 
pointed to it, and withdrew Potiorek's name only because 
Franz Ferdinand was totally unyielding in supporting 
Conrad's candidacy. But personal favoritism makes an 
unconvincing explanation too; for Franz Joseph was too 
honest a man and too good a ruler to let personal considera- 
tions influence his official decisions to this extent. 

Whatever the motives, the facts remain that the Emperor, 
to all appearances, was absolving the Governor and the local 
authorities under him of any part of the responsibility; that 
Potiorek neither offered his resignation nor was asked for 
it; and that there was no investigation of the obviously 
insufficient security measures taken in Sarajevo. Perhaps 
parliament would have demanded such an investigation, 
but parliament was not in session. When it was, the country 
was at war clearly not the proper time for an investigation 
which could uncover facts showing that there were Austrian 
officials who might have prevented the Sarajevo crime. 

But if excuses exist why Potiorek and Gerde should have 
escaped the consequences of their negligence, none do for 
the manner in which the funeral of Franz Ferdinand and 
Sophie was arranged. 


The Trip Home 

At first, there seemed to be nothing out of the ordinary 
about the funeral arrangements. Resting in metal coffins, 
the bodies of Franz Ferdinand and Sophie, which military 
surgeons had embalmed during the night, were placed in 
the drawing room of the Konak on the day following the 
murders. The room, lined in black, soon filled with flowers 
and with mourners from the city. At six in the afternoon, 
Brother Mihacevid, the Franciscan Provincial, and Arch- 
bishop Stadler, who was accompanied by the entire cathe- 
dral chapter, blessed the two bodies. Soldiers slowly carried 
the coffins to the waiting hearses, and a long cortege began 
its procession toward the station. A detachment of cavalry 
and several infantry battalions led the way, among them a 
battalion in which Bosnian Serbs predominated the 
soldiers had volunteered for this duty in order to demon- 
strate their loyalty to the crown. Behind the troops walked 
Stadler, Mihacevi, and the remainder of the clergy. They 
were followed by a car bearing the many wreaths sent to 
the Konak, by the two hearses, and by a group of mourners 
that included Baron Rumerskirsch, Colonel Bardolff, 
Countess Lanjus, Governor Potiorek, and every ranking 
officer and official of Sarajevo. 

At the station, a special railroad car received the coffins. 
Stadler and Mihacevi pronounced a final blessing, the car 
was sealed under the supervision of Baron Rumerskirch, 
and at a few minutes past seven, amid a twenty-four gun 
salute fired from the fortress cannon, the funeral train left 
the city in which Dimitrijevic's men had murdered Franz 
Ferdinand and Sophie. 

The coffins were returning by the same route by which 
Franz Ferdinand had arrived four days earlier by rail and 

A Strange Funeral 167 

river to the coast, across the Adriatic on board the Viribus 
Unitis ; and from Trieste to Vienna by train once more. 
Again, as on the Archduke's trip to Bosnia, large crowds, 
dressed in mourning this time, turned up all along the way 
between Sarajevo and the coast, and as the Viribus Unitis 
slowly crossed the calm Adriatic the flag-draped coffins 
guarded by detachments of the ship's officers and men 
boats of nearly every size and description came up to the 
battleship in a last and silent gesture of condolence. 

Only when the Viribus Unitis anchored in Trieste two 
days later, on the afternoon of July i, were there any in- 
dications that something was amiss. Instructions had been 
received from Vienna ordering a delay the special train 
bearing the coffins was not to arrive in Vienna until ten 
o'clock the next evening, and thus well after dark. The 
author of this order was the Emperor's Lord Chamberlain, 
Prince Alfred Montenuovo. 

Relations between Montenuovo and Franz Ferdinand 
had been badly strained during the latter's lifetime. No 
one could quite say why. Some gossip had it that the Prince, 
a distant relative of Sophie Chotek, felt slighted by her 
coolness toward him after her marriage, while according 
to other purveyors of scandal he was resentful over several 
alleged discourtesies on Franz Ferdinand's part. What 
made some of the people at court relish the hostility between 
the two men was a special bit of historic irony: Mon- 
tenuovo, upholder of court etiquette and resolute opponent, 
so it was said, of Franz Ferdinand's morganatic marriage, 
was himself the descendant of a morganatic union. After 
Napoleon's exile to Elba, the Austrian Court had detailed a 
dashing general, Count Neipperg, to look after the Empress, 
Marie Louise, from whom Napoleon had been forced to 
part. The general fulfilled his duties so expertly that eventu- 


ally, he and Marie Louise were married; and one of the 
grandsons of their morganatic union was none other than 
Prince Montenuovo. 

As Lord Chamberlain, Montenuovo found himself in 
charge of all formal ceremonies surrounding the funeral. 
His first plan, it was said, was to enforce court etiquette 
with total cold-bloodedness. Franz Ferdinand was to be 
entombed in the Capuchin Crypt, the traditional burial 
place of the Habsburgs, but Sophie, who had no claim to 
such Imperial honors, was to receive a separate burial in 
the crypt which Franz Ferdinand had ordered built at 
Artstetten castle. The plan had to be revised when someone 
pointed out that Franz Ferdinand presumably in anticipa- 
tion of the court's attitude, had included a passage in his 
will which specifically requested that he and Sophie be 
buried side by side in Artstetten. 

Montenuovo had little choice except to give in, but he 
could raise a new objection. It would unfortunately be 
impossible, it appeared, to hold any memorial services in 
Vienna for the late Duchess without violating that holy of 
holies, court etiquette. Sophie, the Chamberlain's office 
reportedly ruled, having been born a mere Countess Cho- 
tek, could not possibly be allowed to lie in state next to her 
Habsburg husband in the Hofburg chapel. 

At this point, the indignant new Heir to the Throne, 
Archduke Carl Franz Joseph, apparently went to see the 
Emperor. As a result of their talk, an Imperial command 
went out ordering joint requiem services. Montenuovo, 
unable to oppose the command directly, took refuge in what 
might be called a strategy of massive, administrative pet- 
tiness there was to be no full ceremonial and no military 
parade; the coffins were to be brought from the station to 
the Hofburg chapel after dark, with only a minimum of 

A Strange Funeral 169 

soldiers lining the streets; the chapel was to be open to the 
public for four hours only, from eight in the morning to 
noon on July 3, and the position and decoration of the 
coffins was to make Sophie's morganatic position painfully 

An Absence of Royalty 

Neither Franz Ferdinand nor Sophie had ever been 
widely beloved, but thanks to the Lord Chamberlain's at- 
titude they suddenly had more sympathizers than they had 
had in their lifetime. One open indication of this occurred 
as the train bearing their mortal remains arrived at the 
Vienna Sildbahnhof on July 2. Among those awaiting the 
train could be seen Archduke Carl and all the officers of the 
Vienna garrison not on duty that evening, even though 
there was no provision for the presence of either the Heir 
to the Throne or of the officers in the elaborately worked 
out ceremonial. They accompanied the cortege from the 
station to the Hofburg chapel, making a spectacular pro- 
cession even more memorable by their uninvited presence. 
For while Montenuovo had denied Franz Ferdinand the 
full honors due to an Heir to the Throne and Inspector 
General of the Armed Forces, it must be said that even a 
lesser Habsburg cortege offered some spectacular pageantry. 
Two grooms carrying lanterns opened the procession, 
followed by a squadron of the Seventh Lancers, courtiers 
in coaches and courtiers on horseback, the Lord Chamber- 
lain and the Archduke's First Chamberlain, more grooms 
in braided court uniforms carrying lanterns, the two 
hearses, flanked by twelve royal guards to the right, carry- 
ing halberds, and twelve to the left, holding swords drawn. 
Franz Ferdinand, when alive, had never been so well 


guarded. Behind the hearses came more grooms, a court 
coach bearing Franz Ferdinand's retinue and another bear- 
ing Sophie's, and, finally, another squadron of Lancers. 

When the public was admitted to the Hofburg chapel 
the next morning to view the bodies lying in state, the 
setting at first seemed solemn enough, too. The church was 
draped almost entirely in black; even the prie-dieus had 
been covered with black cloth. Masses were being read at 
every altar, and at ten o'clock, the court choir entered to 
chant the Miserere. Royal guards were keeping the death 
watch, and the two catafalques on which the bodies rested 
were gleaming in the light of enormous wax candles in 
silver candelabras. 

As the visitor stepped closer to the silver and gold coffins, 
however, he was confronted with the final insult committed 
in the name of protocol. The two coffins had been placed 
side by side, but that of the Duchess her former status as 
a lady in waiting apparently unforgiven even in death 
was at a level lower than that of her hubsand's. Nor was this 
all. For while on top of the Heir to the Throne's coffin 
rested his medals, the crown of an Imperial Prince, a gen- 
eral's cap and sabre, and an Archduke's hat, all that could 
be seen on Sophie's coffin, in addition to her medals, were 
a pair of white gloves and a fan. In front of the catafalques 
lay a wreath of white roses sent by the orphaned children, 
bearing the simple inscription "Sophie, Max, Ernst," but 
none, the Archduke's friends noted, from the Emperor. 

Sharply at noon, as the bells of the church started to toll, 
the attendants closed the doors of the church, admitting no 
more visitors, even though this meant turning away a good 
many Viennese who were still waiting outside to pay their 
last respects to the dead. The church was being cleared for 
the funeral requiem service that afternoon. 

A Strange Funeral 171 

Four hours later, the brief requiem service began. The 
Cardinal Prince Archbishop of Vienna officiated, and the 
audience included the Emperor, all archdukes and arch- 
duchesses, ministers and generals, and the diplomatic corps. 
But brilliant though this assembly might be, there were 
some almost equally conspicuous absences. No foreign 
royalty had come to Vienna. 

Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany, it seems, had almost im- 
mediately sent word that he was ready to attend the funeral 
services, and so had King Victor Emmanuel of Italy. King 
George of England was going to be represented by the 
Duke of Connought, Tsar Nicholas by Grand Duke Nicho- 
las Nicolaievich. As late as June 30, the Austrian press still 
reported the impending arrival of both the German Em- 
peror and the King of the Belgians as facts. Actually, how- 
ever, the Austrian Foreign Ministry had let it be known the 
day after the murders that it would prefer to have no for- 
eign monarchs or missions at the requiem services. The of- 
ficial explanation was that in view of the Emperor's ad- 
vanced age, he should be spared the exertions of a long 
ceremony. But while the thought of avoiding, for Franz 
Joseph's sake, the tiring formal functions involved in the 
reception of foreign royalty may have been genuine 
enough, there must have been other, unspoken motives as 

If any monarch was to be invited, all would have to be 
including King Peter of Serbia. Yet it required no major 
feat of the imagination to picture the embarrassment which 
his presence would have caused to everyone concerned. 
Beside, the same guardians of protocol who had seen to it 
that the decorations on Sophie's coffin showed how far 
beneath her Habsburg husband she stood may have vetoed 
the presence of royal guests from abroad at even the requiem 


services for a former lady In waiting. Finally, the one mon- 
arch who out of his personal friendship for Franz Fer- 
dinand might have made the journey despite court ob- 
jections, Kaiser Wilhelm, was dissuaded from coming by 
an urgent telegram sent by the German Consul General in 
Sarajevo. An "absolutely reliable" informant, wired the 
consul, had told him that he feared an attempt might be 
made against Wilhelm's life in Vienna by either Russian or 
Serbian fanatics. The German Chancellor, apparently tak- 
ing the warning seriously, strongly counseled against the 
trip, and Wilhelm gave in. A slight cold and a touch of 
lumbago, read a subsequent press release, had forced the 
Emperor to his great regret to cancel his Austrian travel 

From time to time, history staggers us with its might- 
have-beens and this is one such instance. The absence of 
foreign royalty at the Hofburg chapel meant that the best 
possible opportunity for political conversations between 
Europe's heads of state was lost. Had the monarchs of the 
major powers met in Vienna at that time, and plainly dis- 
cussed the political repercussions of Princip's crime, it is 
easy enough to imagine the totally different and happier 
course which events might have taken. 

At a quarter past four, the requiem mass had ended. The 
Emperor was the first to rise and leave, without, as one of 
Franz Ferdinand's aides later wrote with ill-concealed bit- 
terness, "casting as much as a glance at the two coffins." 
Franz Joseph, thought the aide angrily, had displayed no 
trace of emotion or sadness during the service either; in- 
stead, he had been looking around the assembly "with com- 
plete indifference and the same unmoved facial expression 
which he displayed toward his subjects during other oc- 
casions too. One had the involuntary feeling that Franz 

A Strange Funeral 173 

Joseph was breathing more freely again, as though with a 
sense of liberation, and doubtlessly most of his old courtiers 
shared this feeling." 

The Uninvited Mourners 

When the last of the guests had left, the doors of the 
church were closed again, to remain shut until the removal 
of the bodies to the Westbankof at ten o'clock that night, 
where the special train to Artstetten was waiting. During 
the move, there took place one more incident, at once 
bolder and more spectacular than Archduke Carl's earlier 
opposition to Montenuovo's protocol. 

Since both coffins were to travel in the same cortege, the 
Lord Chamberlain had denied Franz Ferdinand the mili- 
tary honors which would have been due to him as Inspector 
General of the Armed Forces. Montenuovo had offered a 
compromise, however. The soldiers of the Vienna garrison, 
his office ruled, while not required to line the streets lead- 
ing to the station were permitted to do so if they or their 
officers wished. Many of them had so wished, and the dark 
streets were full of bright uniforms now. 

Almost as if foreseeing the results of his concession, 
Montenuovo had put pressure on the holders of high court 
honors on the privy councilors, chamberlains, and knights 
of the Golden Fleece not to accompany the cortege to the 
station. But here, Montenuovo had gone too far. Few 
among the aristocracy had any pleasant memories of Franz 
Ferdinand; not a few had had good reason to fear him. Still, 
most of them found the Chamberlain's attitude appalling. 
As one disgusted Hungarian nobleman put it, "Every ass 
was kicking the dead lion now." They would, they decided, 


give a clear demonstration of how they felt about the way 

the dead lion had been treated. 

As the hearses, drawn by six black horses each, left the 
Hofburg and headed for Vienna's main thoroughfare, the 
Ring, there broke into the cortege over a hundred members 
of the most ancient nobility of the realm. Some of them 
bore the names of families that had fought the Saracens 
during the Crusades, or the Turks outside Vienna, or the 
Prussians of Frederick the Great in Silesia: Starhemberg, 
Lobkowitz, and Pallavicini; Szch<nyi, Fiirstenberg, Ho- 
henlohe, Zichy, Thurn und Taxis, Hoyos, and Sapieha; 
Kinsky, Esterhazy, Schwarzenberg, Fugger, Thun-Salm, and 
Liechtenstein. Many of them wearing their heavily braided 
gala uniforms, they followed behind the cortege in a body, 
walking all the way from the Ring to the station, where 
they took up positions on either side of the two coffins. 

As a priest pronounced his blessing over the bodies, his 
audience was infinitely more illustrious than Montenuovo 
had planned. Not only did the princes, counts, and barons 
remain until the train's departure, but there had come to 
the station by a less conspicuous route but in equal dis- 
regard of the Lord Chamberlain's original arrangements 
all the archdukes of the House of Habsburg, led by the 
new Heir to the Throne, Archduke Carl Franz Joseph. 

The numerous spectators who had turned up to watch 
the passing of the procession showed, as one paper tactfully 
put it, their "profound appreciation" of the appearance 
of these unbidden guests; the more so since for many days, 
the shabbiness of the funeral arrangements had been bit- 
terly and publicly criticized. "Vienna," thought a French 
writer not otherwise noted for his pro-Austrian sympathies, 
"did not love Franz Ferdinand, but the people of Vienna 
were lacking neither in tact, nor in dignity, nor in kind- 

A Strange Funeral 175 

ness' 1 all qualities notable for their absence in the services 
arranged by Montenuovo. Surely court ceremonial was not 
that inflexible, commented the staunchly conservative 
Reichspost. When nine officers and enlisted men of the 
fledgling air force had been killed in a recent accident, the 
paper pointed out in a reasonable parallel, they had re- 
ceived a common military burial, at which the ceremonies 
for all had been those due to the highest ranking officer 
among them, a Captain. 

When the dear departed [wrote the paper] was still on his 
bier it was important not to introduce any discordant note 
into a solemn hour. [Actually, there had been no such reti- 
cence.] But now our patriotic duty and the mood not only 
of Vienna and Austria but of the entire monarchy compel us 
to discuss the question why, according to the original ar- 
rangements, the funeral was to be so startlingly simple, and 
so insulting to the feelings of a grieving people. . . . 

To quote the words of one of the highest generals of our 
army [the editorial concluded less reasonably], the funeral 
was ... no different than one that would have been ar- 
ranged for a six year old child. 

Criticism might have become even sharper had there not 
been made public, on July 7, the following remarkable 
letter from the Emperor to the Lord Chamberlain: 

Dear Prince Montenuovo: 

For a number of years now, you have headed my court 
administration in the full possession of my confidence, and 
you have always exercised your office one rich in responsi- 
bility in accordance with my intentions and with complete 


In recent days, the passing away of my beloved nephew, 
Archduke Franz Ferdinand with whom relations o con- 
fidence and trust have always connected you has made very 
extraordinary demands on you, my dear Prince, and has 
given you one more opportunity to prove your great and 
unselfish devotion to my person and my house. 

I am glad to have this occasion to assure you of my most 
cordial gratitude and of my full appreciation of your ex- 
cellent and faithful service. 

Vienna, July 6, 1914 


The letter contains some obvious ambiguities were the 
funeral arrangements as much "in accordance with my in- 
tentions" as the Prince's earlier services? and it is difficult 
if not impossible to say to what extent it implied Franz 
Joseph's approval of these much criticized arrangements. 
The two pieces of evidence we possess are contradictory. 
One of the few courtiers who later wrote about the affair, 
the wonderfully gossipy but often unreliable Baron Mar- 
gutti, has definitely stated that the Emperor had little 
sympathy with Montenuovo's attitude, and that it was the 
Emperor who personally vetoed the Lord Chamberlain's 
original plan for holding separate requiem services. Franz 
Ferdinand and Sophie, he reports the old Emperor as hav- 
ing said, had died together as victims of the same conspiracy; 
they must therefore be allowed to receive their last rites 
together. On the other hand, the detailed ceremonial for 
the funeral services issued by the Lord Chamberlain's of- 
fice are preceded by the very plain phrase "On the Emperor's 

But no matter which version is true, the Emperor's 

22. The trip home. The funeral cortege passes through Trieste, July 2, 1914. 

I rt 

mfittfl 1 


n, Sontitas Ken 28. Ounl 1914 


einSeradciianrWoa unb tin OUlentat. - ffltwt Dot "Swita y4 
Wn etrterjM. - S5Htd)t fflcrwtindwm bca tjnjcn imD fclner Wcttio^in 
J* UIrr*fifft. - f et^erjsg n* (sine ectnabUn ben QcrUdttttgni 
" ' ICIM 


@chtc f, uub f. ^oljeit bcr burdjlnurijttdffc .crr ST^ 
IjeQOfl S' c a u 5 ?y c c li t it a u ti luitrk Soiuttag, ben 
28. 3um b. &, SBormittng in Sarajevo bitrd] ctiicii 
^uf) fdjiBcr uer(c|t uub ucrfdjicb fur^e 3t bamuf. 

23. The public learns the news. A special 
edition, printed in the early afternoon on 
June 28, and distributed free: "Heir to 
the Throne and Wife Murdered . . . 
From Sarajevo, horrifying, inconceivable 
news is being reported . . ." 

24. The formal confirmation. The Offi- 
cial Gazette of June 29: "Official Part. His 
Royal and Imperial Highness, the Most 
Serene Archduke Franz Ferdinand, suf- 
fered a severe bullet wound on the morn- 
ing of Sunday, June 28 inst, at Sarajevo, 
and died a short time later." 

25. The trial The defendants in the court room at Sarajevo. 



26. A Princip manuscript, written in prison at the request of a visiting Austrian doctor: 
"On one occasion, we were discussing in company the question Kropotkin raised in his 'Uni- 
versal Wealth:' 'What will the anarchists do in the event of the outbreak of a social revo- 
lution?' We all thought that what was involved was a phrase used by an old anarchist 
rather than any real and serious belief of his that such a revolution was possible at this 
time. Still, when we discussed this 'social revolution/ we almost all of us agreed that it 
was possible; but in our opinion it would first be necessary to create relations between the 
nations which would ameliorate the differences between the nations. But although we had 
read socialist and anarchist writings, we were nationalists, and did not concern ourselves 
much with this question, for we thought that everyone of us had a different duty, a na- 
tional duty. May 12, 1916, Gavrilo Princip" 

A Strange Funeral 177 

prestige was still so vast and unquestioned that his inter- 
vention on behalf of Montenuovo stilled any further public 


As one follows the winding Danube westward from 
Vienna toward Linz, one reaches, after seventy miles or so, 
the lovely and romantic region of Pochlarn. There is the 
town of Pochlarn itself, the legendary Bechelaren of Mar- 
grave Riidiger of the Nibelungen Epic. There are the many 
ruins of both ancient Roman fortresses and of medieval 
robber barons' castles, each built to overlook the river. 
There is the Benedictine Abbey of Melk, founded in the 
eleventh century, but rebuilt entirely in the eighteenth in 
the gold and marble splendor of the Austrian baroque; 
there is the ancient Habsburg Castle of Persenbeug, birth- 
place of the last Emperor of the Dual Monarchy; there is, 
set back not quite two miles into the woods and hills, its 
four red onion towers visible from afar, Franz Ferdinand's 
castle of Artstetten. 

At Artstetten, Franz Ferdinand had spent some of the 
happiest days of his childhood. Having inherited the castle 
as a young man upon his father's death, he had undertaken 
some extensive restoration work, and shortly after his mar- 
riage had ordered a crypt built underneath the castle 
church. The builders soon ran into trouble; the excavations 
for the new structure, they discovered, were threatening the 
foundations of the old church. But the Archduke urged 
them on. It seemed, his Private Secretary has written, as 
though he was possessed "by an intimation of his impend- 
ing fate, . . . and could hardly await its [i.e v the crypt's] 


It was here that Franz Ferdinand had wished to be 
buried, and it was here that the final funeral ceremonies 
took place free of the excesses of Spanish etiquette, but 
not free, unfortunately, of further bungling and confusion. 

At 2:00 A.M., in the deepest dark of the night, the funeral 
train arrived at Pochlarn, the station closest to Artstetten. 
Montenuovo had rejected all responsibility for the funeral 
arrangements beyond Vienna. "I shall get the bodies to the 
station"; was the gist of what he told Franz Ferdinand's 
staff, "I shall have them put aboard a train and see that they 
leave, but from then on, you must do with them what you 
want." Accordingly, the services of the Municipal Under- 
taking Establishment of the City of Vienna were engaged 
for the journey from the capital to Artstetten and for the 
local services probably the first and only case in which 
this establishment, normally used to more bourgeois clients, 
had been asked to bury an Heir to the Habsburg Throne. 
The costs, however, were borne by the court after all. The 
Emperor, on hearing that the Archduke's children were hard 
put to pay for the funeral expenses, ordered Montenuovo 
to settle all of the Municipal Undertakers' bills. 

Outside Pochlarn station, large delegations of the re- 
gion's social and civic organizations, ranging from the vet- 
erans' association to the local volunteer fire brigade, had 
taken their positions, for arrangements had been made to 
hold brief services in the station square. But just as the 
train was entering Pochlarn, a violent thunderstorm broke. 
So much water suddenly came pouring down that it was 
difficult to see anything more than a foot away, much less to 
imagine how the clergy, in their ecclesiastical robes, would 
be able to proceed with the ceremony out in the open. 

Still the bareheaded delegates, many of them war vet- 
erans well advanced in years, continued to stand stiffly at 

A Strange Funeral 179 

attention until Franz Ferdinand's Chamberlain, the sensi- 
ble Baron Rumers Kirch, took pity on them. Would they, 
he sent word, please come and take refuge under the station 

Half an hour later, with no indication that the weather 
was likely to clear, the decision was reached to hold the 
ceremonies in the railroad waiting-room and not in the 
square outside. The coffins were placed on their biers, 
someone found a pair of candelabras, someone else brought 
in a few wreaths from the train. A guard of honor, consist- 
ing of six officers of dragoons and an equal number of 
uhlans, surrounded the coffins, and the mourners once 
more crowded into the small room after them. There was, 
it now turned out, no room for a single member of the 
local delegations. Why not, why someone in authority did 
not think of posting part of the guard of honor outside the 
door rather than by the coffins to allow at least a few of the 
local mourners to be admitted, is as incomprehensible as 
the choice of the hour of two o'clock at night for the arrival 
of the funeral train in Pochlarn. 

Since the railroad buffet was open, the foreseeable result 
was that many of the good veterans and firemen repaired 
there for some suitable refreshments, or, as Franz Ferdi- 
nand's Private Secretary put it tactfully: "that these people, 
who had walked for hours to get there, and who had been 
standing in the rain for some time as well, tried to warm 
up at the railroad buffet is possible or even probable." 
Later, all this gave rise to the most picturesque rumors 
about wild beer and sausage bacchanalia that were said to 
have been held by the bodies in Artstetten station, with the 
coffins doing service as buffet tables. 

When the clergy had pronounced their blessings, the 
mourners entered some old and ramshackle taxicabs that 


had been hired for the trip to Artstetten, no court con- 
veyances having been made available by Montenuovo. The 
roads were rough and rain-soaked, and wherever the climb 
up the hills became too steep, the disgruntled mourners had 
to leave their venerable vehicles and walk through the mud. 

The hearses, each drawn by eight black horses which 
seemed to be shying at every thunderclap, were faring even 
worse. The storm was not letting up and some anxious 
moments passed before the horses, trembling with fear, 
could be brought aboard the Pochlarn ferry by which the 
Danube had to be crossed. 

The ferry had reached the middle of the river when the 
shaft-horses of one hearse, scared by a particularly loud 
crash of thunder, reared up. Only the fact that some quick- 
witted bystanders, realizing what was happening, rushed 
in to pull back the frightened animals, kept the hearse from 
slipping into the Danube. One wheel at least, noted an ob- 
server, was already hanging over the side of the ferry. 

Later that morning, amid sunnier weather, more mourn- 
ers arrived from Vienna. Among them were most of the 
aristocrats who had accompanied the cortege to the station. 
Their presence was another studied affront to Montenuovo, 
who was expecting them to attend an official requiem serv- 
ice at the Hofburg, which he had scheduled for precisely 
the same hour as the Artstetten funeral. Among them also 
were the Heir to the Throne, Archduke Carl Franz Joseph 
with his wife Zita, as well as one Heir Burg, who was seen 
to weep copiously. Herr Burg was none other than Franz 
Ferdinand's younger brother Ferdinand Carl, who had 
been stripped of his military rank, expelled from the ter- 
ritory of the monarchy, and deprived of his family name 
for marrying the daughter of a Vienna college professor 
some years before* The Emperor had lifted his exile for one 

A Strange Funeral 181 

day, so that he might come to Artstetten. He had not lifted 
the order forbidding any use of Ferdinand Carl's former 
titles. It did not matter, for faced with the ill and grief- 
stricken ex-Archduke nearly everyone took pains to address 
him as "Imperial Highness." There also were the murdered 
couple's childen thirteen year old Sophie and her two 
brothers, Max, eleven, and Ernst, barely ten. 

When all the guests had assembled in the flower-decked 
Artstetten church, the simple services began. The abbot of 
a nearby monastery consecrated the bodies. Lance corporals 
lifted the coffins, and with measured steps carried them into 
the crypt. At a sharp turn at the entrance to the vault, they 
apparently relaxed their attention for a moment, and 
knocked one coffin against the edge of the wall, breaking 
loose a small fragment of stone and mortar, but to the 
relief of the mourners there were no further incidents as 
the coffins were being set in their final resting place. 

It is here at Artstetten, then, that the bodies of Apis' 
victims lie, and not in the customary burial place of the 
Habsburgs, the Capuchin Crypt in Vienna. It is oddly fit- 
ting that this should be so. In a historic sense, though not 
in a chronological one, the nineteenth century begins not 
in 1801, but in 1789, that is with the French Revolution, 
and ends not in 1900, but in 1914, with the First World 
War. It seems a strikingly symbolic coincidence, therefore, 
that the visitor to the Capuchin Crypt should miss, among 
the many royal dead, the sarcophagi of two Habsburgs 
one that of Marie Antoinette, whose execution and burial 
in an unmarked Paris grave helped to usher in an age, the 
other that of Franz Ferdinand, whose murder helped to 
usher it out. 


The Investigation 


In Sarajevo meanwhile, the law had very quickly gone 
into action. Even before Princip had fired his shots, the 
District Judge, Alois von Cuiinaldi, hurriedly ordered 
Judge Leo Pfeffer of Sarajevo to investigate Cabrinovi^'s 
attempt against the Archduke's life. In no time at all, Pfef- 
fer found that the simple task of interrogating a bomb- 
throwing young anarchist had become a vastly complex 
one, for as the second, more successful crime became 
known, and the police brought in Princip and dozens of 
others whom they suspected of complicity, Pfeffer saw him- 
self appointed judge in charge of investigating the entire 
murder plot. 

Pfeffer's first act was to have Princip brought before 
him. Princip was still suffering from the near-lynching the 
crowd had given him before the police managed to arrest 
him, and his head was swathed in white bandages. He was 
still sick, too, from the cyanide he had swallowed. The 


The Investigation 183 

police doctor had assured the investigating judge, however, 
that the wounds were not serious, although he would not 
rule out the possibility of later complications. 

From the very beginning, Princip managed to impress 
the hostile Austrian interrogator he was facing almost as 
much as he had impressed his partisans in Bosnia and 
Serbia. Pfeffer later described their meeting that Sunday. 
"The young assassin, exhausted by his beating, was unable 
to utter a word. He was undersized, emaciated, sallow, 
sharp-featured. It was difficult to imagine that so frail look- 
ing an individual could have committed so serious a crime. 
Even his clear blue eyes, burning and piercing but serene, 
had nothing cruel or criminal in their expression. They 
spoke of innate intelligence, of steady and harmonious 
energy. When I told him I was the investigating judge and 
asked him if he had the strength to speak, he answered my 
question with perfect clearness in a voice that grew steadily 
stronger and more assured." 

The story which Princip now proceeded to tell Pfeffer 
was as plausible and simple as it was false. Years ago, he 
said, he had vowed on the grave of 2eraji to avenge that 
martyr to Serbdom. When, at Eastertime, he had heard that 
Franz Ferdinand was going to visit Sarejevo, he had chosen 
him as the fitting victim, since the Archduke seemed to 
embody all the forces of Austrian oppression. The decision 
to kill Franz Ferdinand had been entirely his own; and he 
had had no accomplices in executing his plan. The deed, 
in short, had been his and his alone. 

But what about the fellow who had thrown the bomb, 
Pf eff er wanted to know. 

I have nothing to do with him, said Princip. When I 
heard the explosion, I said to myself: here is someone else 
who feels as I do, but that was all. 


With this, Princip had touched upon one of the weakest 
points in his story, for to accept this particular claim re- 
quired a degree of belief in coincidence which no investi- 
gating judge could be expected to possess. Still, Princip 
persisted in denying any sort of acquaintance with Cabrino- 
vid for one more day. When he had heard the detonation of 
the bomb, he added the next morning, he had in fact 
been so startled that he had forgotten to shoot as the arch- 
ducal party passed by him on the way to the City Hall. It 
was an ingenious explanation, and he might have stuck to 
it had not Cabrinovic proved himself somewhat less skill- 
ful in the answers which he gave to Pf eff er. 

On Sunday, Cabrinovic's account still bore out Princip's. 
He had intended, the young typesetter admitted, to kill 
Franz Ferdinand with his bomb, but he had acted without 
any accomplices. 

In that case, Pfeffer asked, where did the bomb come 

From an anarchist in Belgrade, said Cabrinovic. 

What was the anarchist's name? 

He could not tell his real name, said Gabrinovi; he 
did not know. 

What were his motives,, then? Was he an anarchist too? 

It was not quite that simple, said Cabrinovii. Partly his 
motives were anarchistic, but partly they were nationalistic. 

Monday and Tuesday 

The next day Cabrinovi, for no apparent reason, re- 
versed himself on the issue of collusion. He had, he ad- 
mitted, conspired to commit the crime with Princip in 
Belgrade. (All that Princip had been saying on this point 
was that he had spent three months in Serbia recently. It 

The Investigation 185 

was a fact which the police were likely to discover anyway.) 
The weapons, Cabrinovid added, had come not from an 
anarchist, but from former partisans with whom they had 
been associating. 

Could Cabrinovic name any of these men? 

Yes, said Cabrinovic mentioning the least consequential 
of Apis* emissaries there was one Ciganovic. 

Confronted with Cabrinovi's admissions at noon, 
Princip quickly allowed that he had not told the whole 
truth in his previous interrogation. Yes, he said, he had 
acted in concert with Cabrinovic. He had not wanted to 
implicate his friend before, he explained, but now that 
Cabrinovic himself had talked, there was no need for him 
to keep silent about it any longer. 

Thus far, even with Cabrinovi's admission of com- 
plicity, the stories which the youths had offered Pfeffer 
amounted to a masterpiece of evasion. They had admitted 
the deed. They had provided a plausible motive national- 
ism in Princip's case, nationalism plus anarchism in that 
of Cabrinovi<5. They had satisfactorily explained the means 
bombs and guns received from ex-partisans in Belgrade. 
Circumstantial and material evidence in the possession of 
the police bore them out. There was no shortage of wit- 
nesses to either crime. A police search had uncovered several 
revolutionary pamphlets at Cabrinovic's Sarajevo residence 
and, as Potiorek put it in a report to Vienna, "a whole 
library" of pan-Serb literature in the house of Princip's 
brother. As for the arms, it was common knowledge that 
the Serbian partisans had secretly saved large stocks of just 
such weapons from the Balkan Wars. By and large, it was 
an account that made sense, and that would allow for the 
preparation of a strong indictment. 

Between Sunday, June 28, and Tuesday, June 30, Pfeffer 


knew neither that there had been five other assassins in 
the streets of Sarajevo nor that anyone other than Princip 
or Cabrinovi had organized the crime. 

He might never have found out. Pfeffer strikes one 
either as infinitely more solicitous over the rights of a sus- 
pect than one might normally expect someone in his posi- 
tion to be, or else as not a terribly competent investigator. 
He was reluctant, for example, to confront his witnesses 
with one another, or even to quote incriminating parts of 
one suspect's testimony to another. "Only independent, 
individual confessions could reveal the truth about the 
various facts to me," he later wrote. The one advantage 
such a system had, of not allowing any communication be- 
tween the prisoners, was illusory from the first in this case, 
since Princip and Cabrinovi as well as all those of their 
associates who were arrested afterward communicated be- 
tween their cells by the simplest of secret systems, that of 
long and short knocks against the walls. They had learned 
about this method from a Russian novel. 

At this point then, the assassination of Archduke Franz 
Ferdinand might still have remained a local murder, and 
not the cause of a world war. But the Sarajevo police, im- 
mediately after the shooting, had diligently if somewhat 
haphazardly begun to round up a large number of suspects. 
Some were known relatives and friends of Princip and 
Cabrinovic, others were merely suspected of pro-Ser- 
bian sympathies. Among them were a great many inno- 
cents, such as Cabrinovid's grandmother, or the proprietor 
of Sarajevo's best-known hotel, whose misfortune, under the 
circumstances, it was to have a former Serbian cabinet min- 
ister for a father-in-law. Among them also, however, was a 
school teacher and friend of Princip, Danilo Hid. 

The Investigation 187 


arrest was a matter of police routine. The authori- 
ties vaguely suspected him of being involved in subversive 
propaganda activities, and they knew that Princip had 
stayed at his house in Sarajevo recently. That was all they 
had enough to justify detaining him briefly for question- 
ing; not enough, on the other hand, to charge him with any 
specific crime. Had Ilic kept his head, and offered any sort 
of credible story to his questioners, the likelihood is that 
he would have been released again in a matter of days. But 
Ili, not guessing how little evidence the police really pos- 
sessed against him, was very badly scared. 

As soon as he was taken before Pfeffer, Ilic proposed a 
bargain to the investigating judge. He would confess every- 
thing, he said, if Pfeffer would undertake to save him from 
the death penalty. 

He could make no definite promises, Pfeffer answered, 
but it might interest Ilic to know that the law granted ex- 
tenuating circumstances to any prisoner who turned state's 
evidence. What did Hit have to tell him? 

What Ilic had to tell him was short, to the point, and 
true. Princip and Cabrinovic, said Ili, had not been acting 
on their own. Instead, they were members of a conspiracy to 
kill Franz Ferdinand that comprised no less than seven 
members. Three of the assassins Princip, Cabrinovic, 
and Grabez had come from Belgrade. Three more he, 
Ilic, had recruited locally. 

Ilic's bland admission destroyed Princip's and Cabrino- 
vic's stories beyond any hope of repair. Pfeffer, interrupt- 
ing the prisoner's confession, rushed to the telephone to 
issue urgent orders for the arrest of the accomplices named 
by Ilic. This time, arrests were not going to be made on the 


basis of general suspicions. Pfeffer now had a real case, 
although he must have suspected that Ilic was still with- 
holding certain essential facts. 

First to be arrested was Grabez, whom the police brought 
in that same day. Ilic had volunteered the information 
about Grabez's probable whereabouts. It was likely, he said, 
that Grabez had gone to his home town of Pale, and would 
try to make his way to Serbia from there. It was an excellent 


After hearing Princip's shots on the morning of June s>8, 
Grabez's first thoughts, as he said later, were to get rid of 
his arms and to escape. Trying to appear unconcerned, he 
walked from his post near the Kaiser Bridge to the house 
of an uncle of his in town. He hid the bomb in the toilet, 
and the gun under the coping of the roof, and strolled back 
to the scene of the crime. He then had lunch with another 
uncle of his in Sarajevo, a parliamentary deputy, spent the 
night at his house, and took the train home to Pale the next 
morning. His father was very much surprised to see him; 
he had expected him to be under arrest. 

Deciding that his best protection lay in boldness, Grabez 
told everyone he met in Pale where he had just come from. 
No one, he reasoned, was likely to suspect him of being one 
of the assassins if he himself so obviously mentioned his 
having spent the day of the murder in Sarajevo. 

On Tuesday, without telling his father what he was about 
to do, Grabez started out for Serbia and safety. On Wednes- 
day, the police arrested him in a small town some forty miles 
west of the Serbian border. 

Taken back to Sarajevo, Grabez admitted his own role 
in the plot, and even added a precise description of where 
he had hidden the arms, but refused to implicate any of his 
friends. There was no need. The next day, the police found 

The Investigation 1 89 

his gun and bomb where he had said they would, in his un- 
cle's house, examined them, and discovered them to be of 
precisely the same make as those of Princip and Cabrinovic 
as tangible a bit of corroboration of Ilic's confession as 
Pfeffer might have wished for. 

More Arrests 

Grabez's arrest left three more assassins at liberty; Cu- 
brilovic and Popovic, the high-school friends from Sarajevo, 
and Mehmedbasic, the Moslem carpenter and veteran of 
previous plots. On June 5, the Sunday after the murder, the 
police managed to arrest Cubrilovic, and two days later, 
Popovic joined him in prison. 

Under interrogation, both of them, like Grabez before 
them, tried to protect their friends while admitting their 
own share of the guilt. Despite their good intentions, their 
admissions resulted in a wave of new arrests, for in their 
eagerness to be rid of their arms after Princip's shots, they 
had clumsily implicated a sizable number of people, many 
of whom in reality were innocent bystanders. On the morn- 
ing of June 28, a pale and trembling Cubrilovic had, by pre- 
arrangement, passed his gun and bomb to a young friend, 
Ivo Kranjcevic, the son of a retired Austrian policeman. 
Kranjcevid, rather than hiding the weapons himself, 
wrapped them up into a package and took them to the 
house of a couple he knew named Sadilo. He handed his 
lethal package to the Sadilos* five year old daughter, who 
happened to be at home alone, and told her to ask her par- 
ents to keep it for him for a while. A few days later, as he 
was going for a walk with his mother, he met Mrs. Sadilo 
in the street. What was in that package he had left, Mrs. 
Sadilo asked him. 


Two old pistols, replied Kranjcevic; my father is going 
to give them to the museum. 

Please take them away again immediately, said Mrs. Sa- 
dilo. These are difficult times; I can't have any guns in my 
house. "Do you want to make us miserable?" 

Mrs. Kranjcevic, audibly angry with her son over this 
mysterious bit of mischief in which he seemed to have in- 
volved himself, picked up the package that same day. Open- 
ing it, either she or her son hid the bomb in the municipal 
park across from the main government building, and the 
gun in the Moslem cemetery, and there they still were when 
the police did their searching after young Kranjcevic's ar- 

Popovic, more daring than Cubrilovic, had hidden his 
weapons himself, in the basement of a house on the Appel 
Quay close to his post. These, too, the police found, noting 
on examining them that it was not for lack of means that 
Popovic had failed to act on the morning of June 28. The 
bomb was uncapped and ready to be thrown, and the revol- 
ver fully loaded. 


The only assassin who still eluded the police was Meh- 
medbasic. "It has not yet been possible to ascertain his 
whereabouts/' wired Governor Potiorek to Vienna on July 
3. Two days later, the police had managed to get on to the 
fugitive's trail, and Potiorek sent a more optimistic tele- 
gram. "His arrest," he wired, "is imminent." 

It was not at least not by the Austrian authorities. On 
July 13, Potiorek learned that Mehmedbasid had succeeded 
where all his accomplices had failed; he had safely crossed 
into neighboring Montenegro. 

The Investigation 191 

Officially, the small kingdom of Montenegro pursued a 
policy of neutrality between the powers, but popular sym- 
pathies were overwhelmingly pro-Serbian. Had Mehmed- 
basic curbed his tongue, he would probably have run into 
no trouble with the indulgent Montenegrin authorities. 
But once he had crossed the border, Mehmedbasic could 
not refrain from playing the hero, boasting loudly and pub- 
licly that he was one of those Sarajevo assassins everyone 
was talking about. On July 12, Montenegrin police took 
the self-confessed assassin into custody, and questioned him. 
Mehmedbasic not only admitted his boasts, but volunteered 
some additional information about a supposed meeting be- 
tween the conspirators in Tours to arrange the details of 
the assassination. The latter was an invention that was to 
become the basis for one of the several myths about the ori- 
gins of the conspiracy. 

Montenegro's king and cabinet now found themselves in 
a fairly unenviable position. On the one hand, there existed 
a clear treaty of extradition with Austria, and hence no le- 
gal way of denying an Austrian demand for the surrender 
of one of Franz Ferdinand's admitted assassins. If, on the 
other hand, they should hand over Mehmedbasic to the 
Austrians for trial, an uncomfortably large part of the pub- 
lic who tended to consider the conspirators heroes and not 
murderers would be up in arms against them. It was a 
minor government functionary who found a way out of this 
dilemma. His solution had the simplicity of genius Meh- 
medbasic's guards would allow him to escape. 

On July 15, the Austrian Minister, acting on official in- 
structions from Vienna, asked the Montenegrin Foreign 
Minister for the extradition of Mehmedbasic. Well, said 
the Foreign Minister, that is a very embarrassing affair. You 
are right; the police have arrested him, and he has made a 


full confession, but unfortunately, he managed to break out 
of prison just last night. The police are looking for him 
everywhere now; let us hope that they will be able to pick 
him up again very soon. 

There the matter rested. Periodically, the Austrians 
repeated their inquiries about Mehmedbasid; just about as 
often as they did so, the Montenegrins apologized for the 
negligence of the police, and asserted that every effort was 
being made to recapture the fugitive. The well-informed 
French Minister summed up the whole little comedy neatly 
if cynically in a dispatch to the Quai d'Orsay. The Mon- 
tenegrin Foreign Ministry, he reported, was swearing holy 
oaths that it had nothing to do with the escape, but "I do 
not think that the guilty official will have his future ad- 
vancement retarded by the initiative he has taken in this 
affair." Nor, it so happened, did the Montenegrin police 
ever have any luck in picking up Mehmedbasic's trail again. 

Mehmedbasic, during all this time, was still in the coun- 
try of course, although he seems to have co-operated with his 
reluctant pursuers to the extent of behaving with somewhat 
greater circumspection than before. He remained until 
November, when he crossed into Serbia, where he enlisted 
in the partisans of Princip's old mentor, Major Tankosi* 

The Circle Widens 

From the point of view of the Sarajevo investigation, 
Mehmedbasic's escape made next to no difference. With 
Ilid's confession, and the arrests that followed it, the ficti- 
tious accounts which Princip and Cabrinovid had offered 
Pfeffer could no longer be maintained in any case. The 
thread of the conspiracy had begun to unravel. 

The Investigation 193 

On July 4, the unfortunate Ilic introduced Misko Jo- 
vanovic's name. It was from Jovanovi in Tuzla, he told 
Pfeffer, that he had picked up the arms smuggled in from 
Serbia by Princip and Grabez. Arrested that day, and 
brought to Sarajevo, Jovanovi at first attempted to deny 
any knowledge of the plot, but before long had to admit his 
meeting with the youths as well as his share in storing and 
transporting their weapons. His admission inevitably 
brought in the name of his relative, Veljko Cubrilovi, the 
school teacher and Priboj, agent on the underground route. 
Cubrilovi's arrest, in turn, made it impossible to protect 
any of the others who had sheltered or guided Princip and 
Grabez on their underground journey from the Serbian 
border to Sarajevo. 

Earlier, Princip had confirmed Ili's list of his Sarajevo 
recruits, explaining that he did not want any innocent per- 
sons to suffer. After Jovanovic's admission and Cubrilovic's 
arrest, both Princip and Grabez no longer withheld the de- 
tails of their trip, although they pretended to be ignorant 
of the names of their helpers. This reticence offered no pro- 
tection to those they had implicated; the police had enough 
leads now. Between mid-July and mid-August, the Sarajevo 
prison began to fill with the men who had aided them along 
the way. Jakov Milovi, the smuggler who had taken them 
across the border from Isakovic Island; his friend Mico 
Micic, who had brought him to Isakovi; Obren Milosevic, 
in whose cottage they had spent the first night on Bosnian 
soil; Nedjo Kerovi and his unsuspecting neighbor, who 
had driven them from Priboj to Tuzla in his cart; Nedjo's 
two brothers and his old father, who had sheltered the boys 
and provided the cloth for wrapping the bombs and guns. 

To deny the existence of a conspiracy had become wholly 


futile. What Pfeffer did not yet know, however, and what 
the assassins could still try to hide from him, was the degree 
to which the conspiracy extended into Serbia. 

Protecting Belgrade 

Three men in Belgrade, it will be recalled, had been the 
principal actors in staging the assassination Colonel Di- 
mitrijevic, called Apis, Chief of Serbian Army Intelligence, 
leading spirit of the Black Hand, and author of the crime; 
Major Tankosic, his Black Hand aide; and Milan Cigano- 
vi, Bosnian refugee and go-between. On July 2, Cabrinovic 
volunteered Ciganovid's name to Pfeffer. 

It was Ciganovic, he said, who had provided them with 
their guns and bombs. Ciganovic, a humble employee of the 
Serbian State Railways, had not acted on his own, however, 
but on instructions received from none other than the Sec- 
retary General of the Narodna Odbrana, Milan Pribicevic. 
Princip, he added, had introduced him to the Secretary 
General a few days after they had told Ciganovic about their 
plan to assassinate Franz Ferdinand. Questioned the same 
day, Princip and Grabez confirmed the gist of Cabrinovic's 
story. Princip disagreed on one detail only; he had not, he 
said, known Pribicevic. Both Princip and Grabez were 
ready to admit, however, that their arms came from Cigano- 
vic. As far as they knew, they added, Ciganovic was a mem- 
ber of the Narodna Odbrana. 

It was a masterly story to tell the Austrian police. It was 
enough to explain the aid which they had plainly received 
in Belgrade, but not enough to enable the Austrians to find 
the real culprits. The part about Ciganovi was true, of 
course, but Ciganovic was the least consequential member 
of the conspiracy. Moreover, he was in Serbia, safely out of 

The Investigation 195 

reach of the Sarajevo police. As for Pribicevid and his or- 
ganization, the Narodna Odbrana had become an all but 
harmless and open group ever since the formation of the 
Black Hand, and its Secretary General was a man who was 
firmly convinced of the superiority of moral suasion over 
murder and violence. As Apis must have known, however, 
the Austrians were not aware of these facts, assuming in- 
stead, in their vast ignorance of the Black Hand, that the 
Narodna Odbrana still aimed at detaching Bosnia and Her- 
zegovina from the Empire by terror and subversion. 
Whether Apis had rehearsed Cabrinovic, Princip, and Gra- 
bez in their story beforehand is a point on which we possess 
no direct evidence, but it is difficult to imagine how else 
they could have agreed on it so neatly and conveniently oth- 

Quite possibly, Pf effer would have been entirely satisfied 
with it, had not the hapless Hid contradicted it three days 
later. The trio, said Hid, indeed knew Ciganovid in Bel- 
grade, but the man to whom Ciganovid had introduced 
them was a Major Tankosid. It was Tankosic, said Hid, who 
had supplied the arms, given them their shooting lessons, 
and told them not to let themselves be taken alive. 

Confronted with Ilid's statement, the three youths fol- 
lowed a strategy that led, by way of splendid confusion, 
from initial denial to reluctant and incomplete admis- 
sion. Yes, there had been some shooting practice, said Gra- 
bez, but his and Princip's instructor had been Ciganovid, 
and Cabrinovic's had been a partisan named Milan Majid. 
A few days later, Princip was ready to grant Tankosic's ex- 
istence, but denied that he had ever seen him. The only one 
among them, he said, who had any dealings with Tankosic 
in Belgrade was GrabeL Having said this, he abruptly 


changed the subject, and suddenly offered Pfeffer a great 
many details about the trip from Belgrade to Sarajevo. 

No, said Grabez, Princip is wrong, I did not see Tanko- 
sic. If anyone did, it was Princip himself. In a way, said Ca- 
brinovid, both Tankosic and Pribicevic were involved. We 
first intended to approach Pribicevic about the weapons, 
but he was out of town. We thereupon turned to Ciganovic, 
who told us on the eve of our departure from Belgrade that 
Major Tankosii had had to sign an IOU to pay for the arms. 

Only a good two weeks after Ilic's admission did Grabez, 
Princip, and Cabrinovid, following one of Pf eff er's rare con- 
frontations, finally agree on Tankosic's involvement. As for 
their earlier contradictions about which one of them had 
talked to Tankosic, they now stated it was Grabez and not 
Princip who had done so. The Major, they explained, had 
told Ciganovi^ that before handing over the arms, he 
wished to meet one of the would-be assassins to convince 
himself of their reliability, and since Princip felt that he 
was too weak physically to make the proper impression, 
Grabez had gone. 

In all, it was another admirable performance. They had 
admitted the existence of Tankosic, but they had success- 
fully devoted their considerable talents to holding back the 
one name that really mattered, that of Apis. Pfeffer's inves- 
tigation had established the fact that there was a Sarajevo 
conspiracy, and that that conspiracy had had two rather 
shadowy helpers in Belgrade who had provided weapons 
and shooting lessons. What it had not brought out for 
here even Ili managed to keep silent was that the origins 
of the conspiracy lay in Belgrade, that it involved an organi- 
zation called the Black Hand, and that the crime's instiga- 
tor was the Chief of Serbian Army Intelligence. 

The Investigation 197 

"Of A Black Hand I Know Nothing . . ." 

Only once during the investigation was the Black Hand 
so much as mentioned. Early in July, the police picked up 
a bakery worker, named Trifko Krstanovid, who had been 
overheard to say, shortly after the assassination, that such 
an act might have been expected. He explained to his inter- 
rogators that all he had meant by his remark was that in 
view of all the anti-Austrian propaganda that emanated 
from Serbia, he had not been surprised to see Franz Ferdi- 
nand killed. The police believed him, and decided to prefer 
no charges against him, but since he seemed to possess some 
information about theNarodna Odbrana^ they interrogated 
him again as a witness on July 19. 

The baker said he had illegally crossed over into Serbia 
some years before, and had met Tankosic at the Green Gar- 
land cafe in Belgrade. Subsequently, he had become a stu- 
dent at the Major's partisan academy. Later, he had broken 
with the Narodna Odbmna, and returned to Bosnia. At the 
end of his statement, he casually brought in the Black 
Hand, saying: "Of a Black Hand I know nothing definite, 
except for what I read of this Hand in the Serbian newspa- 
pers. I don't remember any more today what there was in 
the papers about this Black Hand." 

That the police did not cross-question him on this is ex- 
cusable; it was hardly a very specific reference and besides, 
they rightly considered him innocent of any participation 
in Princip's plot. What is less understandable is the general 
manner in which Pfeffer conducted his investigation. 

Criticism that derives in part from the advantages o 
hindsight tends to sound petty and unfair; still, it should be 
said that some of Pf effer's mistakes and omissions seem star- 
tling. There were serious indiscretions to the press on what 


the suspects had been telling the police; and the first such 
article to appear was based on an interview given by Pfef- 
fer himself. There was the leisurely pace of the investiga- 
tion; even if a suspect was found out in some patent un- 
truth, days might pass before he would be interrogated 
again, giving him ample time to think up some more be- 
lievable version. There was the absence of sharp and search- 
ing cross-examination, no matter how contradictory or re- 
hearsed the suspects' stories might sound. Perhaps the re- 
sources of the Sarajevo police simply were not adequate to 
the investigation, but if so, why was not the help of the Vi- 
enna police requested? 

As it was, Pfeffer did a great deal of listening, but very 
little probing. Possibly the most amazing but by no means 
atypical example of this took place near the end of the in- 
vestigation, in an incident whose meaning is still obscure. 

On August 15, Cabrinovic, out of a clear sky, said that he 
regretted his deed, but that he had one consolation: the 
idea of killing Franz Ferdinand had not been his. If Prin- 
cip should permit him to do so, he said, he would name the 
instigators of the crime. 

Confronted with his friend, Princip said, and these were 
his precise words: "If someone made you do it, say so/* 
whereupon Cabrinovic would speak no more. 

When interrogated again the next day, Cabrinovic said 
that his lips were sealed; Princip had forbidden him to talk. 
What happened next was nothing. Pfeffer simply left it at 
that. He pressed neither Princip nor Cabrinovi about the 
episode, nor did he insist on obtaining some solution to the 
puzzle of why Princip's statement should have been the sig- 
nal for Cabrinovi's lapse into silence. 



The Wiesner Investigation 

In Vienna, the piecemeal reports which Potiorek was 
sending on the progress of the investigation at least one 
or two such telegrams from Sarajevo would usually arrive 
each day were causing some understandable confusion. 
In the wake of Franz Ferdinand's assassination, the Aus- 
trian government was considering the presentation of an 
unequivocal ultimatum to Serbia, demanding an end to all 
Serbian-inspired subversive activities against Austria. To 
lend emphasis to such a demand, it was imperative to know 
to what extent if at all the Serbian government was in- 
criminated in the murder plot. Had it been Pribicevi who 
supplied the assassins with arms? Were there any provable 
connections between the Narodna Odbrana and the assas- 
sins? What links, if any, existed between that organization 
and the Belgrade government? All these were points on 
which Potiorek's daily summaries of Pf effer's investigation 
seemed to provide no clear answer. In consequence, it was 



decided, on July 9, to appoint someone who was to go over 
all the available facts, and to put together a dossier that 
would provide an intelligible picture of the whole conspir- 
acy. The man entrusted with this task was Sektionsrat 
Friedrich von Wiesner, a career official of the Foreign Min- 

Earlier that month Wiesner had been looking over both 
the Foreign Ministry's and the Ministry of Finance's files on 
Serbian activities without finding any very significant 
material at either place. On July 10, he left for Sarajevo, 
where he arrived on the morning of the eleventh. During 
the next two days, he kept frantically busy. There were con- 
ferences with Potiorek and with the Governor's principal 
administrative assistant; with Pfeffer and with Pfeffer's 
superior, the Chief of the Bosnian Administration's Justice 
Department; with Gerde, the Sarajevo Commissioner of 
Police; with the Head of Army Intelligence; and with the 
general in charge of the frontier guards. In between, he 
read all the major Administration files dealing with sub- 
versive activities, and the latest summaries of Pfeffer's in- 
terrogations. He did not, however, attend or conduct any 
interrogations of Princip, Cabrinovi6, or any of. the other 

The first night, he stayed up until 4:00 A.M., working his 
way through the files in his hotel room, nor did he get to bed 
much earlier the second night. On July 13, after perhaps 
four hours' sleep, and some final morning conferences, 
Wiesner drafted the dispatch for which Vienna was waiting. 

The suspects' admissions, he wired, proved the following 
facts to be true beyond a reasonable doubt: the decision to 
assassinate Franz Ferdinand had been made in Belgrade. 
The assassins had undertaken their Belgrade preparations 
with the aid of the employee of the Serbian State Railways, 

War 201 

Ciganovi, and of the Serbian Army Major Tankosic. The 
latter had provided the bombs, guns, ammunition, and 
poison. The bombs had come from the Serbian Army arse- 
nal of Kragujevac. Princip, Grabez, and Cabrinovic had 
crossed the border with the aid of certain Serbian officials, 
most notably that of the border captains at Sabac and Loz- 

What had not been proven, however, was this. Pribice- 
vic's complicity could not be accepted as a fact. The bombs' 
origin was indisputable, but there was no way of telling 
whether Tankosi had withdrawn them for the purposes of 
the assassination, or whether they were left over from the 
supplies issued to the partisans during the Balkan Wars. As 
for anti-Austrian propaganda activities in Bosnia and Her- 
zegovina, there was no doubt either of their existence or of 
the support they received from private Serbian organiza- 
tions, yet "the material dating from the period prior to the 
assassination offers no evidence that [this] propaganda has 
been sponsored by the Serbian Government." 

But the really crucial passage of Wiesner's report con- 
sisted of two short and fateful sentences. He was to rue them 
for the rest of his life, part of which he was to spend in, writ- 
ing articles that intended to prove that on the one hand, no 
other conclusion had been tenable at the time, and on the 
other, that his words did not really mean what they said: 

There is nothing to indicate [wrote Sektionsrat von Wies- 
ner from Sarajevo on the morning of July 13, 1914], or even to 
give rise to the suspicion, that the Serbian Government knew 
about the plot, its preparation, or the procurement of arms. 
On the contrary, there are indications that this is impossible. 

It was the triumph of Apis* planning. 


Austria's Ultimatum 

On July 23, nine days after Wiesner's return from Sara- 
jevo, the Austrians presented Serbia with an ultimatum 
based on his findings > to which they demanded an answer 
by July 25. Vienna had decided to seek a showdown with 
the Serbians. Either Serbia was to agree to the demands of 
the Austrian ultimatum unconditionally * 'acceptance 
pure et simple" as the Austrian Foreign Minister put it 
or Austria was prepared to go to war against Serbia. There 
was no longer any other way, the Austrians felt, of stopping 
the dissolution of their Empire. 

The presentation of the ultimatum in Belgrade took 
place amid some curious byplay. Pasic, the Prime Minister, 
was in the country making election speeches, and the Aus- 
trian envoy, Baron von Giesl, had had to make his appoint- 
ment with the Minister of Finance, Pa&i, who was acting as 
Pasic's deputy. He would like to draw the Minister's atten- 
tion to the fact, said Giesl when he had been shown into 
Pacu's office at six o'clock in the evening, that there was a 
definite time limit to the note he had with him. Should 
there be no Serbian answer within forty-eight hours, or 
should that answer be unsatisfactory, he and the Legation 
staff were under strict instructions to leave Belgrade. 

Pa&i, by way of reply, desperately tried to temporize. 
He could not really accept the note, he suggested. This was 
election time, he explained, and several ministers were 
absent from the capital. It might be physically impossible 
to call a full cabinet meeting at such short notice for a 
discussion of the Austrian demands. 

This is the age of railroads, of the telephone and the 
telegraph, replied Giesl curtly. Surely the return of the 
ministers could take a few hours at the most. Beside, he re- 

War 203 

minded Pacu, he had hinted earlier in the day that it might 
become necessary to get in touch with the Prime Minister. 
All this however, he concluded, was an internal Serbian af- 
fair and no concern of his. 

Pacu continued to hesitate. He still did not see how he 
could accept the note, he said. 

If you will not take it from my hands, declared Giesl, 
abruptly ending the conversation, I shall leave it on the 
table and you can then do as you wish with it, and having 
said this, took his leave from Pacu. 

As soon as Giesl was gone, two of Pacu's colleagues who 
had quietly been waiting in an adjoining room, entered, 
and together went over the note. Their reaction, as they did 
so, must have been a mixed one worry, on the one hand, 
over the stiffness of the Austrian conditions; relief, on the 
other, over the false premises on which these conditions 
were based. 

The principal Austrian demands, they read, ran as fol- 
lows: The Belgrade government was to put an immediate 
stop to all Serbian-sponsored subversive activities on the 
territory of the Austro-Hugarian monarchy, and to all 
anti-Austrian propaganda in Serbia. The Narodna Odbrana 
was to be dissolved. Judicial proceedings were to be insti- 
gated against anyone in Serbia who was an accessory to the 
Sarajevo crime with "agencies delegated by the Imperial 
and Royal [Austrian] Government" taking part in any in- 
vestigation that might be undertaken in Serbia in this 
connection. Tankosii and Ciganovic were to be arrested 
"forthwith." The Serbian government was to co-operate in 
putting an end to the illegal arms traffic across the border, 
and the frontier officers in Sabac and Loznica were to be 
punished for their share in helping Princip and Grabez 
cross secretly into Bosnia. Vienna, finally, was to be in- 


formed without delay of all measures taken by the Serbian 
authorities to satisfy the foregoing demands. 

Appended to the ultimatum was a summary of the find- 
ings of Pfeffer's investigation. Nowhere, either in the sum- 
mary or in the note itself, was there a single mention of 
Colonel Dimitrijevid: or of the Black Hand. 

"Secret Society: The Black Hand in Serbia" 

It was an omission that immeasurably weakened the Aus- 
trian case. "One did know vaguely/' wrote Wiesner in one 
of his many later attempts to justify the blunder, "that there 
was a 'Black Hand/ and that this secret military faction was 
exercising a sinister influence. But that the 'Black Hand* 
was engaged in irredentist and foreign as well as in do- 
mestic activities one did not know, at least not in Austria." 
Yet why should not one have known? 

The Austrian diplomatic reports for the period were not 
without some occasional hints about the Black Hand and 
its involvement in the murder, but these reports were filed 
and disregarded. If the material in the hands of the Austrian 
Intelligence Services was any better, the people responsible 
for drafting the ultimatum to Serbia certainly never heard 
about it. The most valuable information on Apis and his 
organization available to the Foreign Ministry apparently 
was contained in a folder bearing the label ''Secret Society: 
The Black Hand in Serbia." It consisted of random press 
clippings covering the period from September, 1911, to 
May, 1912, as well as the month of October, 1913 with no 
material at all on the time between June, 1912, and Sep- 
tember, 1913, or on the eight months prior to Sarajevo. 
Some of the material contained in these clippings was sur- 
prisingly correct there was a list of prominent Black Hand 

War 205 

members, for example, that included Apis* name some of 
it was wildly misleading one story quoted an early mem- 
bership figure of no less than 2,500. No one, it appears, ever 
made any effort to evaluate the material. Worse, even the 
raw file seems to have been unavailable when the ultimatum 
to Serbia was being prepared. 

"Among the documents ... I went through," wrote 
Wiesner after the war, "there was not a single one concern- 
ing the Black Hand. . . . The only explanation . . . which 
I can offer is that they must have been indexed in such a 
manner that the archivists could not find them/' 

"Absolutism mitigated by sloppiness," had been the fa- 
mous definition of Austria's system of government in an 
earlier epoch. By 1914, absolutism had become archaic; 
sloppiness had not. 

In fairness, it should be said that a close study o the 
diplomatic documents from the archives of Britain, France, 
and Germany shows these powers to have been similarly ill- 
informed about the Black Hand. But to these nations, Ser- 
bian activities were not a matter of life and death, as they 
were to Austria. Nor did their police hold a number of con- 
fessed assassins, who knew some very essential facts about 
the Black Hand, and who, under more skillful question- 
ing, might have been made to tell what they knew. 

To realize how strong the Austrian position might have 
been, and what the failure of the investigation meant, one 
ought to picture an imaginary American parallel. Let us 
assume that there existed a treaty of mutual assistance, in 
case of attack, between Mexico and a number of South 
American states. Let us assume further that for years, there 
has been an active movement headed by the Chief of 
Mexican Army Intelligence and condoned, if not aided, by 
the Mexican government to unite Texas, Arizona, and 


Southern California with Mexico, and that these regions 
have been flooded with propaganda, arms, and under- 
ground agents sent from Mexico City. Let us assume finally 
that in 1914, on the anniversary of the battle of San Jacinto, 
the Vice-President of the United States, visiting Texas in 
the course of his official duties, is assassinated in the streets 
of Houston by a group of young Mexican-Americans, 
trained and equipped with bombs and revolvers in Mexico 
City, and acting under the orders of the Mexican Chief of 

What assistance would Mexico receive from its allies if 
the United States, possessing proof of the crime's Mexican 
origins, decided to seek a radical end to all such activities in 
the future; and on whose side would international opinion 
be if it carne to war between the United States and Mexico 
over the issue? 

Had the Austrian ultimatum of July 23, 1914* begun 
with the words: "The responsibility for the murder of Arch- 
duke Franz Ferdinand has been traced to a secret Serbian 
society called the Black Hand and its leading member, 
Colonel Dimitrijevic, whose immediate arrest we demand," 
it is more than doubtful that Serbia would have received the 
aid which the Allies extended it in the days that followed. 
For faced with such a charge, Pasi<5 would have been caught 
in a dilemma which even he could not have escaped. He 
would have been forced either to reject the Austrian de- 
mand the more likely course in view of the Black Hand's 
power in Serbia thus putting himself in the wrong be- 
fore world opinion, or to accede to it, thus running the risk 
of exposing the extent to which high Serbian government 
officials were involved in pan-Serb activities. 

But as it was, the Austrian case lacked conviction and 

War 207 

Pasic knew it. Hence, he was able to engage in a magnificent 
bit of temporizing. 

Serbia's Answer 

On July 25, at 5:58 P.M. precisely two minutes before 
Vienna's ultimatum was about to expire the Austrian 
envoy to Belgrade received the Prime Minister's answer. 
Conciliatory and moderate in tone, the Serbian note fully 
accepted several of the Austrian demands, and indicated Ser- 
bia's readiness to compromise on most of the others. It failed 
to meet Vienna on two points only, one concerning the in- 
vestigation, the other the arrest of Ciganovid. On both of 
these, compliance might have meant disaster to the Ser- 

The Serbian government, read the note, was unable to 
agree to the participation of any Austro-Hungarian agencies 
in the investigations that might be held concerning the as- 
sassins' Serbian connections, since such participation 
" would be in violation of [Serbia's] Constitution and crim- 
inal law." As to the demand for Tankosid's and Ciganovic's 
arrest, the police had taken Tankosid into custody on the 
very evening the Austrian note was received, but unfor- 
tunately, the note said, Ciganovid had managed to evade 
his captors so far. 

The details of how Ciganovid was allowed to escape are 
not known to this day, and it is unlikely that they ever will 
be. What apparently happened, however, was that almost 
immediately after the Sarajevo assassination, Pasi ordered 
a police inquiry into its Belgrade origins. Its findings were 
never made public, but someone either in the police or the 
government soon suggested to Ciganovid that he disappear 
from sight. Tankosid's arrest, Pasid may have reasoned, was 


one thing, for the Major was a Serbian citizen, and any 
number of obstacles could be placed in the way of his extra- 
dition to Austria; Ciganovi^ on the other hand, was an 
Austrian subject, whose extradition, should it be de- 
manded, could hardly be refused. (It was absolutely es- 
sential, of course, to keep Ciganovi<5 from talking to the 
Austrians.) Ciganovi, at any rate, took the hint. On July i, 
a comfortable three weeks before the Austrians asked for 
his arrest, he requested a months' sick leave from his job at 
the Serbian State Railways, and under an assumed name 
left Belgrade for the provinces, where, oddly enough, all the 
resources of the Serbian police proved unable to locate him. 


Faced with the evasions of Pass's reply, the Austrian 
Minister and his Legation staff departed from Serbia on the 
morning of July 25. Three days later, exactly one month 
after Franz Ferdinand's death, Austria followed the break 
in relations with a declaration of war against Serbia. "If the 
monarchy must perish," said Franz Joseph sadly, "let it at 
least perish decently/* 

The further sequence of events is a familiar one. Russia, 
which had long and loudly claimed for itself the role of 
protector of all Slavs, mobilized its troops in support of 
Serbia as the Russian military attach^ in Belgrade had re- 
portedly assured Apis that it would. Any other course, St. 
Petersburg felt, might lead to the most grievous loss of Rus- 
sian prestige and influence in the whole Balkans. The Rus- 
sian mobilization did not deter the Austrians, who knew 
that if the conflict over Serbia should spread, they would 
probably not have to fight alone. An Austro-German mili- 
tary alliance, first signed in 1879, and periodically renewed 

War 209 

since, obliged either nation to assist the other in case of at- 
tack by Russia. The alliance had remained no secret, and 
expecting the Germans to join their Austrian ally now, Rus- 
sia mobilized its army not only along its Austrian, but also 
along its German frontier. Germany, still hoping that the 
Austro-Serbian conflict might be localized, demanded an 
end to Russian mobilization, but receiving no answer, de- 
clared war against Russia on August i. 

Germany's action meant the war's westward as well as 
eastward extension, since the twenty-year old Dual Alliance 
between Russia and France provided for mutual assistance 
if either power should be attacked by Germany. Convinced 
that Russia would invoke the French alliance, and that the 
French would honor their treaty obligations, Germany de- 
cided not to wait, and declared war against France on Au- 
gust 3. Among the major European powers, this left Great 
Britain as the only neutral. Britain and France frequently 
pursued common policies in the early part of the twentieth 
century, but the so-called Entente Cordiale between them 
was something of a misnomer, since no binding Anglo- 
French alliance existed. What made Britain go to war, too, 
was a German blunder. In a single-minded attempt to win 
the war in the west before the Russians could break through 
German's eastern defenses, the German army invaded neu- 
tral Belgium in order to outflank the French. On August 4, 
Great Britain, very much concerned over the specter of 
German possession of the Channel coast and outraged over 
the violation of Belgian neutrality, declared war on Ger- 
many, joining France and Russia. 

The Austro-Serbian war that had begun over Sarajevo 
thus had become a world war, with Serbia drawing in Rus- 
sia, with Austria drawing in Germany, and with Russia and 
Germany drawing in France and Great Britain. Before it 


was over, there were few neutrals left in the world. The 
number of soldiers and civilians known to have been killed 
in its course has been given at ten million; the number of 
wounded, including the totally disabled, at twenty million. 
History has recorded few other single acts of violence with 
consequences as bloody as the crime organized by Dimitri- 
jevic and executed by Princip. 


The Trial 

The Indictment 

On Monday, October 12, 1914, at eight o'clock in the 
morning some two months after the beginning of the 
war the trial against Princip and his associates opened in 
the district court of Sarajevo. There were twenty-five de- 
fendants in all; the assassins were being tried along with all 
those accused of helping them either before or after the 
crime. The charges against the six youths as welTas against 
their principal helpers were murder and treason, since 
under Bosnian (as under American) law, an accessory to 
murder was considered guilty of the deed itself. The maxi- 
mum penalty for either charge was death. However, the law 
provided that if an offender was under twenty at the time 
he committed his crime, a prison sentence of not more than 
twenty years was to replace the death penalty. 

The list of court officers and defense counsel sounded like 
the multinational, multiracial Empire in microcosm. The 
three judges trying the case were Councilor Bogdan Nau- 



mowicz, Dr. Mayer Hoffmann, and Judge Alois von Curi- 
naldi, with Curinaldi presiding. The prosecutor was Franjo 
Svara; the court reporter Nikola Rasid. Principal defense 
counsel were Dr. Max Feldbauer (for Princip and several of 
the lesser helpers), Dr. Konstantin Premusi (for Cabrino- 
vid, Misko Jovanovic, and two of the farmers), Court Sec- 
retary Wenzl Malek (for Ili), Dr. Felix Perisid (for some of 
Ilic's local recruits), Franz Strupl (for Grabez) and Dr. 
Rudolf Zistler (for Velijko and Vaso Cubrilovid). 

There was no jury, since under Bosnian law it was the 
judges who would decide on the defendants' guilt or in- 
nocence. Another manner in which Bosnian trial procedure 
differed from that of an American court but conformed to 
that generally followed on the Continent was that prose- 
cution and defense counsel were to do next to no cross-ex- 
amining. Instead, the questioning was to be done by the 
judges chiefly the presiding judge who could base their 
line of inquiry on the findings of the pretrial investigation 
and on any other pertinent depositions and documents they 
had studied before the opening of the trial. 

The trial's scene was a small and bare courtroom of the 
Philipovid barracks in Sarajevo. The twenty-five defend- 
ants, guarded by eight soldiers carrying drawn bayonets, sat 
on wooden benches in the middle of the room, facing the 
court. The room at times was stiflingly hot, and most of the 
defendants looked pale and tired. 

The trial was not secret, but the bailiff admitted a hand- 
ful of spectators only the Mayor, a parliamentary deputy, 
some police officials. The Austro-Hungarian press was ade- 
quately represented, and was to do a fair and accurate job 
of reporting the trial. Reporters from Serbia, Russia, and 
France, or any other enemy belligerent were necessarily 
absent; what is less understandable is that no neutral cor- 

The Trial 213 

respondents had apparently been invited. The New York 
Times, for example, was to carry a few fragmentary dis- 
patches on the trial only, none of them written by its own 
correspondents. What follows here, in fact, is the first com- 
plete summary of the proceedings ever given in English. 

In some ways, it was an unsensational and at times even 
a dull trial. There were no brilliant cross-examinations and 
little impassioned oratory. In other ways, the record of 
the Sarajevo proceedings is full of suspense, for the trial 
represented the Austrians* final chance to discover and ex- 
pose the true scope of the conspiracy. 

The prosecutor, Fran jo Svara, spent the better part of 
Monday morning reading his indictment. Calmly, he de- 
scribed the facts which Pfeffer's investigation had brought 
out: the Belgrade preparations, the assassins' trip, the deed 
itself. His opening speech foreshadowed the prosecution's 
entire case only the actual assassins and their local helpers, 
it ran, were in the dock, but behind them, and beyond the 
reach of the court, stood the propagandists of the Narodna 
Odbrana in Belgrade. 

"Only I Thought of the Assassination" 

The first defendants to take the stand were Princip, Ca- 
brinovi, and Grabez. Cabrinovic, subdued for once, 
quickly entered his plea before the presiding judge: 

Judge Curinaldi: "Nedjelko Cabrinovi, do you feel 
guilty?" ("Do you feel guilty," or "are you guilty" rather 
than the Anglo-Saxon "how do you plead" were the stand- 
ard questions.) 

Cabrinovi^ : "Yes." 

Curinaldi: "Guilty of what?" 


Cabrinovid; "I am guilty of the crime of Archduke Franz 
Ferdinand's assassination." 

Grabez, too, admitted his guilt: 

Curinaldi: "You are Trifko Grabez? Do you feel guilty?" 

Grabez: "Yes." 

Curinaldi: "Guilty of what?" 

Grabez: "Of having attempted an assassination." 

Princip alone was defiant. 

Curinaldi: "Do you feel guilty?" 

Princip: "I am not a criminal, for I have removed an 
evildoer. I meant to do a good deed." 

Curinaldi: "And the Archduchess?" 

Princip: "I did not mean to kill her; I killed her unin- 

Curinaldi: "You do not consider yourself guilty then?" 

Princip: "No." 

That day and the next, the three defendants proceeded to 
give their account of the origins of the plot. They were op- 
posed to Austrian rule, they said, and when in Belgrade, 
had resolved to kill Franz Ferdinand together. They had 
done so, they added, after receiving an anonymous news 
clipping from Bosnia around Easter time, which reported 
the Archduke's impending trip. At one point, their eager- 
ness to shift the whole blame onto themselves, and to divert 
the court's attention from their Serbian associates, resulted 
in this curious argument between Princip and Cabrinovi 
over the honor of being the crime's instigator: 

"Did you not say that the first idea of committing the as- 
sassination was yours," Curinaldi interrupted one of Prin- 
cip's statements, turning to Cabrinovid. 

CabrinovU: "When I received the news clipping, I told 
Princip about it, and showed it to him." 

The Trial 215 

Princip: "I did talk with him about the assassination at 
the 'Acorn Garland/ but I had decided all by myself to do 
it. It was I who spoke of it first, before Cabrinovic received 
the clipping, [saying] that I would commit the assassination. 
I know positively that I spoke to him about it before he re- 
ceived the clipping/' 

Cabrinovic: "I received anonymous information. How- 
ever Gavro asserts. , . /' 

Curinaldi, interrupting him: "He claims that he was al- 
ready in agreement with you/' 

Cabrinovic: "I don't remember/* 

Princip: "I know it positively/' 

Cabrinovic: "Princip says that the idea of the assassina- 
tion was his before I received the news clipping. . . /' 

Curinaldi, interrupting once more: "He says that he de- 
cided on it before/* 

Cabrinovid: "There was frequent talk about the assas- 
sination between us, but I don't recall when the definite 
decision was arrived at." 

Princip: "The definite decision was made when we re- 
ceived the news clipping. Before that, only I thought of the 

Curinaldi, instead of pursuing the point, changed the 
subject. "Do you know anything of Zerajid," he asked, turn- 
ing to Princip. 

Princip could have wished for no better cue. Indeed he 
did, he said. 2erajic, the would-be assassin of the Austrian 
Governor, and hero of Bosnia's pan-Serbs, had been his 
model, he told the court. It was on 2eraji's grave in Sara- 
jevo, he said, that he had sworn to avenge the dead martyr. 
Nor did he leave any doubts about his admiration for Zera- 
ji later in the trial. In the session of October 20, Ga<5inovi's 


fiery pamphlet in praise of 2eraji, The Death of A Hero, 
was read into the evidence. 

"Are there any comments," Curinaldi asked both prose- 
cution and defense when the reading of the pamphlet was 

There was silence, and then a shout from Princip: 

"Hurrah for Zerajid, that is all!" 

The court rose for a brief recess. When Curinaldi re- 
turned to the bench, he warned that anyone interrupting 
the trial again would find himself excluded from the court- 

Princip: "If it's forbidden, all right. But it is still the way 
I feel." 

Curinaldi: "One must not express it; that is a punishable 

"Don't Think of Turning Us In, Sir." 

Princip's strategy, and that of his two friends who had 
come from Belgrade with him, thus was apparent from the 
very beginning. They would describe the crime as local in 
origin, born of Bosnian resentment against Austrian rule 
and against Franz Ferdinand, "the evil genius of the Slavs/' 
as Grabez put it. They would avoid implicating or even 
mentioning the Black Hand. They would accept full re- 
sponsibility for the crime's execution themselves, and do 
their best to parry any indiscretions that might be commit- 
ted by any co-defendant or witness. It was a strategy that had 
an excellent chance of success. Of the other assassins, only 
Ilic and Mehmedbasid were fully aware of Belgrade's in- 
volvement. Mehmedbasi was safely across the border, 
and Ili, when put on the stand, recovered the composure 
he had lost during the pretrial investigation, and kept ab- 

The Trial 217 

solutely quiet about what he knew of Apis and the Black 

Ilic's two Sarajevo recruits Cubrilovi and Popovic 
knew little or nothing of what had gone on in Belgrade, and 
hence were in no position to betray the Black Hand even if 
they had wanted to do so. The assassins' various helpers, 
similarly ignorant, were far too busy trying to exculpate 
themselves. In this, Princip and Grabez supported them as 
much as they dared. 

Under Curinaldi's questioning, few details of the under- 
ground journey from Belgrade to Sarajevo remained hid- 
den from the court. The youths' crossing with Mii and 
Milovic; their meeting with Veljko Cubrilovic, the Priboj 
schoolteacher; their stopover at the farm of old M itar Ke- 
rovid and his three sons, where they had rested; the part 
which Misko Jovanovic had played in hiding their arms at 
Tuzla all became part of the trial record. To make up for 
these fatal admissions, Princip and Grabez volunteered 
that it was their fault if their helpers had failed to turn 
them in to the Bosnian police before or after the crime. 

"It seems to me that Kerovi saw the bombs/' said Gra- 
bez, when the admission could no longer be avoided. "I 
can't say exactly whether he did see them, but I told 
him. . . ." 

Curinaldi: "Whom?" 

Grabez: Blagoje [Kerovi, one of the three sons of old 
Mitar Kerovic]. I threatened him not to tell anyone that we 
had come by his place. 'You should pay dearly for any im- 
prudence; you will be punished by people who will come 
here who are stronger than any soldiers and policemen, and 
who will kill all the men in your family.' " 

Curinaldi: "Someone suggested these words to you?" 

GrabeZ: "It was my own idea to say them. There was 


absolutely nothing behind these threats, but they scared the 
peasant, of course/' 

The peasants were understandably eager to confirm these 
accounts of having been threatened, as was Misko Jovano- 
vi, the Tuzla businessman and Narodna Odbrana agent. 
What could I have done, Jovanovic asked in his defense. My 
wife was seven months pregnant, and here was Princip tell- 
ing me: "Don't think of turning us in, Sir, for I would 
destroy you and your family." What choice did I have but 
to hold their weapons and hope that in the end, the youths 
would decide against using them? 

Princip firmly upheld Jovanovic. He could not very well 
deny having given Jovanovic the arms to keep, but he in- 
sisted that Jovanovi had had no more of an idea of what 
they planned to do with them than did Veljko Cubrilovi or 
the peasants. 

"Didn't he ask you for what purpose you were carrying 
these implements," asked Curinaldi increduously, 

"He did not ask us and we did not say any more about 
it," answered Princip. 

The skill and persistence with which the assassins ob- 
scured the parts played by their helpers in Bosnia and Ser- 
bia demand admiration. It is worth remembering, how- 
ever, that their efforts exposed them to no major risk. Ex- 
cept for Ili, who was twenty-three at the time of the mur- 
der, all the assassins were under twenty years of age, and 
thus safe from the death penalty. Cubriloyid was nineteen, 
as was Grabez; Popovii was eighteen, Vaso Cabrinovi sev- 
enteen. Only about Princip's age did some questions exist, 
and the most critical part of his defense concerned not his 
participation in the plot, but the precise date of his birth- 

Princip, the prosecution contended, was born on June 

The Trial 219 

26, 1894, and had therefore passed his twentieth birthday 
when he shot his two victims. 

No, claimed Princip, his birthday came on July, not 
June, 26. 

To settle the issue, two depositions were read into the 
trial record. One was by Princip's mother. The other was 
by the parish priest of his native village of Oblej. 

The July 26 date was the correct one, Mrs. Princip had 

Could she remember the birthdays o her other chil- 
dren? she was asked by the examining magistrate. 

No, she could not. 

The parish priest's testimony was somewhat more con- 

According to the official church register, the priest had 
deposed, Princip was born on July 26, 1894. According to 
another equally official church record, on which the entries 
were not strictly chronological, but on which the vital 
statistics for all the members of one family were listed to- 
gether, the date was June 26. He thought that he could ex- 
plain the reason for the contradiction, said the priest. At 
the time, he had been assistant to the old parish priest, and 
it had been part of his duties to make most of the entries in 
the church records for him. The old priest did not write 
too well, and would simply jot down the date by pencil on 
any scrap of paper that was handy. Sometimes, these pen- 
ciled notes would pile up for weeks before he could copy 
them into the church register, and this was what had hap- 
pened in Princip's case. 

Inviting no additional testimony, and without recalling 
Princip to the stand, the court took the matter under ad- 
visement, delaying a definite decision until the time of the 


"Do You Think I Am An Animal?" 

The court's reluctance to probe any further was indica- 
tive of the trial's tone and progress. In going over the trial 
record, one has the impression that on most major questions 
the court, even when it must have had strong doubts about 
the stories told by the defendants, made only feeble efforts 
to uncover the full facts. The court did, however, manage 
to illuminate some interesting side issues. One of these 
was the apparent disingenuousness of many of the plotters' 

"Are you a member of any organization?" Curinaldi 
asked young Dragan Kalember, a Sarajevo high-school 
student very much on the outer fringes of the conspiracy, 
who now found himself in court on the dual charge of hav- 
ing had prior knowledge of the plot, and of having withheld 

Kalember: "No. I am a progressive, but I don't belong 
to any organization." 

Curinaldi: "What does the word 'progressive' mean?" 

Kalember: "To me it means 'always forward/ " 

Curinaldi: "What is your opinion of the Yugoslavs? 
What should they do, according to you?" 

Kalember: "I know nothing about that." 

Curinaldi: "You did talk about it. No doubt you've for- 

Kalember: "Perina [a classmate of his, on trial on the 
same charges as Kalember] once told me 'Be a nationalist/ 
and I replied 'all right/ But what it means, I don't know." 

"Are you guilty?" Curinaldi asked Nedjo Kerovid that 
same day. 

"It is possible that I am a little guilty," pleaded Kerovi, 

The Trial 221 

weeping. He continued to weep during much of his testi- 
mony that followed. 

The assassins 7 other helpers took a line of defense similar 
to Kerovid's, that of being "a little guilty/' They had met 
Princip, Grabez, and Cabrinovii on their trip to Bosnia or 
in Sarajevo, they admitted, but they had had no idea what 
these young men were planning to do. Now that they did, 
they bitterly regretted their unwitting share in the plot, 
they said. 

He was sorry for both the murdered couple and for the 
deed's political consequences, said Veljko Cubrilovic, the 
schoolteacher who had arranged transportation for Princip 
and Grabez and the arms they were carrying from Kero- 
vi's house to Tuzla. "I am an opponent of assassinations 
and revolutions," he explained, "for the traces they leave 
behind are too bloody. That is the case here. I believe in the 
evolution of the spirit, of ideas; I rely on progress, not on 

With the exception of Ilic, the assassins themselves did 
not choose to curry the court's favor in this fashion. All they 
were willing to show remorse for was Sophie's death, which 
they swore had been unintentional his second shot, Prin- 
cip asserted, had been meant for Potiorek and the fact 
that the crime had resulted in general war. 

The deed itself, said Grabez under questioning by Judge 
Naumowicz, was "one of the greatest works of history." 

Naumowicz: "Did you know what the consequences 
would be?" 

Grabez: "I did not dream of them." 

"I am happy to say that I have no regrets," Cabrinovic 
bluntly told Curinaldi. "However, this act has had conse- 
quences which one could not possibly forsee or calculate, 
and if I would have known what was going to happen, I 


would have sat down on these bombs and let them tear me 

to pieces." 

Only once did their braggadocio desert the assassins; only 
once did their attitude suggest that they considered their 
deed anything beside the impersonal removal of a villain 
who could not be allowed to live. 

On the fifth day of the trial, Curinaldi read into the rec- 
ord a factual and moving affidavit by Count Harrach de- 
scribing the events of June 28. Harrach, who had been 
standing on the running board of the archducal car that 
morning, had been a witness to most of the details of the 
crime and its aftermath, and it was he who heard and re- 
corded the last words which Franz Ferdinand had gasped to 
his wife: "Sophie dear! Sophie dear! Don't die! Stay alive 
for our children !" 

As the reading of the affidavit progressed, all the defend- 
ants lowered their heads. Princip closed his eyes. When it 
was over, Curinaldi, who had been very much moved by it, 
called a five minutes' recess. During the recess, one of the 
defense counsel walked up to Princip. Hadn't Harrach's ac- 
count left some impression on him, he asked? 

Thrusting up his hands in one violent motion, Princip 
answered with an anguished question: "Do you think I am 
an animal and have no feelings?' ' 

Cabrinovid's Fumble 

But no matter what their private feelings, the defendants 
never allowed themselves the luxury of forgetting their 
main purpose, which was to clear Belgrade. The Narodna 
Odbrana, they asserted, was a purely "cultural organiza- 
tion," which had had nothing to do with the preparation of 

The Trial 223 

the crime. Ciganovic and Tankosi they could not well 
deny knowing, since their names had come out in the pre- 
trial investigation. What they could and did do, however, 
was to confuse the court on the role these men had played. 

"Tankosi," testified Grabeiz, "was a secondary figure. 
The chief culprit, if one wants to use the word culprit, was 

"I don't know/' said Cabrinovi, "if Ciganovi and Tan- 
kosid were members and leaders of the Narodna Odbrana; 
others who know Tankosid better than I claim that he is in 
opposition and even in conflict with the Narodna Od- 

The defendants did not always manage to mix truth and 
untruth that smoothly, however. CabrinovM in particular 
would occasionally fumble. When this happened, Princip 
was usually there to help him, but on one occasion a slip 
made by Cabrinovic came so close to revealing Dimitri- 
jevid's name that their whole house of cards was suddenly 
on the point of collapse. 

"Nobody was in a position to know anything about the 
project," said Cabrinovi^ heatedly during the session of 
October 18, in an effort to discredit a witness who had given 
testimony hostile to Belgrade, "except for Ciganovid, Tan- 
kosic, and a friend of the latter, for if others had been in- 
formed the police would have found out." 

"What is the name of this friend of Tankosi's of whom 
you just spoke?" asked Curinaldi quickly. 

Cabrinovic had caught his mistake: "A former officer 
whose name I forget." 

Princip, realizing that the danger was not yet over, broke 
in. "Yes, an ex-officer. A theology graduate was also in the 


Curinaldi allowed himself to be deflected. "Who was this 
theology graduate?'* he asked. 

Princip: "It was said that he was Djuro Sarac." (The 
name was no invention of Princip's. There did live a theol- 
ogy student and ex-partisan by that name in Belgrade. 
Moreover, Sarac may have known about the plot. Accord- 
ing to one account, it was Sarac who was sent to Bosnia in 
the unsuccessful attempt to dissuade the youths from killing 
Franz Ferdinand after the Black Hand's vote against Apis 
early in June.) 

All would have been well, had not Cabrinovi<5 needlessly 
mentioned "this friend of Tankosic's" again a minute 

Now his defense counsel, Dr. Premuzic, intervened. 

"What does this friend of Tankosid's do?" 

Cabrinovic: "I don't know. He is a very mystical [sic] 

Premuzit: "Do you know his name?" 

Cabrinovic: "I don't know it." 

Again, Princip thought it wise to interrupt. "He called 
himself Kazimirovid," he offered, "and he studied theology 
in Russia." 

Princip's defense counsel, Dr. Feldbauer, rose. "Princip, 
what are you saying about this Kazimirovi<5?" 

"I say that this is what he calls himself, and that he 
studied theology in Russia. Ciganovic mentioned him to 
me. He did not want to become a priest, and I believe that 
he finished his studies at Kiev." (Here too, Princip was us- 
ing some partially correct details. Dr. Radovan Kazimiro- 
vic, a graduate of the Kiev Theological Seminary, was a 
high-school teacher in Belgrade at that time. To what ex- 
tent, if any, he was involved in the plot is still a matter o 
conjecture, however.) 

The Trial 225 

Masons and Mayerling 

It was late In the afternoon, and the court was about to 
adjourn. Before it did, Princip engaged in another divert- 
ing maneuver. 

Some days earlier, he had suggested that Ciganovic was a 
Freemason. He now came back to this point, and hinted 
that Kazimirovid might be a Mason too. "When Ciganovic 
alluded to the Freemasons," he said, "he told me that he 
would speak to Voja Tankosic and to this man. ... I 
told him that I would have no part in the assassination if 
others knew about it; he repeated that this man was safe, 
that he was a good friend, and that his name was Kazimi- 

That night, it seems, Princip and Cabrinovid agreed, by 
the covert system of knocks which the prisoners used to com- 
municate between their cells, to pursue the subject of the 
Masons. The next day, they volunteered more details about 

Kazimirovid, implied Cabrinovic, was the mysterious 
man behind the scenes. He could seldom be found in Bel- 
grade, he said; one day he would be in Budapest, another in 
France, yet another in Russia. "When the other man re- 
turns/' he quoted Ciganovid as having said to him, the 
youths would get their arms. "Ciganovid then told me," he 
went on, "that two years before, the Freemasons had con- 
demned Franz Ferdinand to death, but that they could not 
find the men to execute the sentence. When he brought me 
the gun and the ammunition, he said: 'That man came back 
from Budapest last night/ I knew that his trip was con- 
cerned with the affair, that he had gone abroad, and that 
he had conferred with certain circles/' 

As Cabrinovid's stories about Kazimirovid grew wilder, 


Curlnaldi broke in. "Aren't these fables you are telling us?" 

Cabrinovid: "It is the pure truth and a hundred times 
more truthful than all your documents about the Narodna 

Cross-examination would shake neither his nor Princip's 
testimony. Since Cabrinovid's statement of the previous 
afternoon, someone had hurriedly checked up on what was 
known about Kazimirovii, and had found him to be a con- 
tributor to a Belgrade theological journal called The 
Christian Messenger, which published such non-Masonic 
articles as "Our Young Theologians/' "The Religious 
Policy of Dubrovnik," and "Second Marriages of Ministers." 

"How can one simultaneously be a Freemason and a con- 
tributor to The Christian Messenger'?" asked Curinaldi, 

"The Freemasons/' said Cabrinovi simply, "get into 
all sorts of circles, and work everywhere for the realization 
of their aims/' 

Curinaldi remained incredulous. Owing to the defend- 
ants efforts, the court was to remain wholly in the dark 
about the Black Hand's involvement, but it would not ac- 
cept their fabrications about the Freemasons. "In regard to 
this particular/' the sentence was to read, "the court is of the 
opinion that the statements on Freemasonry are part of the 
attempt to hide the activity of the Narodna Odbrana and 
the complicity of Serbian official circles." 

If the judges had substituted "Black Hand" for "Narodna 
Odbrana/' they would have described the full truth. 

The court's findings, incidentally, did not keep a number 
of later writers from elaborating on Princip's and Cabri- 
novid's inventions, and from insisting that the Masons had 
indeed killed Franz Ferdinand. The editor of the German 
version of the trial record, the Jesuit Father Puntigam, so 

The Trial 227 

mutilated the record that the Masons' involvement ap- 
peared possible. General Ludendorff, a brilliant German 
military planner during the war, and a man dedicated to 
somewhat less brilliant political causes afterwards, pub- 
lished several books and pamphlets intending to prove the 
Masons' guilt. The World War, he wrote, had been decided 
on years before its actual outbreak by what he called the 
"metanational forces/' the Jews, the Freemasons, and the 
Jesuits. Among the reasons they had chosen to start it in 
1914 was that i -f- 9 + i + 4 the numbers making up 
1914 added up to 15, a number sacred to these forces. It 
was followed, Ludendorff further explained, by the "second 
Yahve year 1915," containing the numerical values of i + 9 
10, and of 15. Beside, the Jewish year for 1914, when put 
into Hebrew letters, meant "War on Earth." 

Dimitrijevi, Tankosid, and Ciganovic, the general went 
on, were all Freemasons. They had prepared their plot with 
the aid of a secret department in the British Foreign Office 
which specialized in political assassinations, and which had 
a budget of five million pounds sterling. "Cabrinovi and 
Princip," LudendorfE wrote simply, "were Freemasons too, 
and Princip was a Jew. His first name was the promising 
name Gabriel." 

Undaunted by the difficulty of explaining why the Jesuits 
should have co-operated with their sworn enemies, the Ma- 
sons, the general advanced the following thought: 

The Jesuits let the Freemasons go ahead. They did not 
prevent the Archduke's trip to Sarajevo, even though Roman 
circles, too, looked toward Sarajevo with much suspense. 
With strange zeal, they then directed people's attention to 
the guilt of the Freemasons. 


Much of this nonsense was repeated by other writers. 
Even as respectable a journal as the Mercure de France 
printed an article in which the Masons were accused of hav- 
ing sentenced Franz Ferdinand to death, and of having 
chosen Sarajevo as the place of execution. "Perhaps/' the 
author of the article suggested ominously, "light will be 
thrown some day on these words uttered by a highly placed 
Swiss Freemason on the subject of the Austrian Heir Ap- 
parent: 'He is a good man; it is a pity that he has been con- 
demned; he will die on the steps of the throne/ " 

The Masonic myth was not the only one to be told about 
Sarajevo. Some writers blamed the Hungarians for the as- 
sassination, arguing that Budapest was eager to manufac- 
ture a pretext for war against Serbia. Others blamed the 
Austrians. Wickham Steed, a former editor of the London 
Times y and a man with nearly as many prejudices as Gen- 
eral Ludendorff, published an account of the crime's ori- 
gins in which he hinted strongly that its instigators should 
be sought in Vienna. "In any case/' he wrote with a neat bit 
of innuendo, "the possibility of a 'removal' of the Heir 
Presumptive and his consort . . . was not thought entirely 
deplorable from the point of view of the Hapsburg fam- 
ily." Franz Ferdinand's death, said yet others and their 
story was at least as credible as the rest was his punishment 
for once having shot a white stag at Konopisht. 

But the most picturesque myth of all is the one that made 
Sarajevo the result of Mayerling. Properly speaking, there 
are two versions of this story. According to one, Princip was 
none other than the illegitimate son of Archduchess Stefa- 
nie, the wife of Archduke Rudolf, the suicide of Mayerling. 
Holding Franz Ferdinand responsible for Rudolf's death, 
she had made young Princip kill the Heir to the Throne in 
Sarajevo. According to the other, which is set forth in a 

The Trial 229 

French novel entitled Taia, Rudolf definitely did not com- 
mit suicide at Mayerling, but was assassinated, together 
with his mistress Marie Vetsera, by his cousin Franz Ferdi- 
nand. Unbeknown to the world, however, Marie had given 
birth to an illegitimate daughter by Rudolf. This daughter, 
to avenge her mother, armed Princip and sent him to Sara- 

Ta'ia is prefaced by a statement declaring crisply: "This 
is not a work of fiction. This book, in essence, is a true his- 
tory." It must be admitted that unlike the other stories 
except that of the white stag it offers the reader romance 
and the illusion of poetic justice, and not just sheer bigotry. 
Like the others, however, it lacks the least amount of truth. 


The Penalty 

"I Have No Words To Condemn This Crime" 

On October 22, the tenth day of the trial, the last witness 
left the stand, and the prosecutor rose for his summing up. 
Svara began with the kind of heavy, old-fashioned oratory 
that countless lawyers, no matter in what part of the world, 
have found effective: "... a bomb explodes, a gun is fired, 
and the life of two noble hearts is brutally ended. I have no 
words to condemn this crime, and one cannot imagine that 
men could be found to commit such a deed. The grief of 
every patriot, of every citizen of the monarchy of Austria, 
becomes even more terrible, more profound, when one 
remembers how the two august guests arrived full of con- 
fidence, how the Archduke moved openly in the midst of 
his people, and how his noble spouse nourished for our 
youth a maternal love." 

Growing more restrained, Svara proceeded to give a com- 
petent outline of the facts of the crime. His analysis came 
remarkably close to the truth, except that in place of Apis, 


The Penalty 231 

he named Kazimirovic as the crime's principal instigator 
In Belgrade, and that he made no allusion to the Black 
Hand, but put the blame on the Narodna Odbrana. 

"Official circles'* in Serbia, he insisted, wishing Franz 
Ferdinand's death for reasons of their own, had arranged 
the killing. He was contemptuous of the defendants* claims 
that the crime's idea had been their own, and that they had 
hated the Archduke because they thought him an enemy of 
the Slavs. To show how unlikely this explanation was, he 
did not hesitate to allude to the painful details of Franz 
Ferdinand's marriage: 

It [the accusation that Franz Ferdinand was anti-Slav] was 
nothing but a maneuver on the part of Serbia, of Serbian 
circles, to convince children to commit this horrible act. The 
august spouse of the Archduke was Czech, and thus of Slav 
origin, and due to this marriage the late Archduke has had 
difficulties [a wonderful piece of understatement]; he would 
never have decided on it if he had been an enemy of the 

No more than three among the twenty-five defendants 
in. the dock, he concluded, should be acquitted of treason. 
They were Mr. and Mrs. Sadilo, and Mrs. Sadilo's father, 
Ivan Mominovi, in whose house Cubrilovid's arms had 
briefly been hidden after the crime with the explanation 
that they were antiques about to be presented to the Sara- 
jevo museum. These three, he said, were guilty only of be- 
ing accessories after the fact. The remaining twenty-two de- 
fendants were guilty as charged, and should be convicted 
of treason. All of them were, "to the same degree, the direct 
authors of the assassination/' Treason was punishable by 
death, and this was the penalty he was demanding wher- 


ever the law allowed it. Nine among the twenty-two, he ex- 
plained, were clearly under twenty at the time of the mur- 
der, and should therefore be sentenced to prison and not to 
death. In the case of Princip, he admitted that the evidence 
concerning his birthdate was conflicting. He himself was 
convinced, however, that Princip had passed his twentieth 
birthday when he fired the fatal shots, and hence should 
suffer the death penalty. 

Not As Black As Beards 

When Svara had sat down, the first lawyer to rise for the 
defense was Dr. Feldbauer, counsel for Princip. Shrewdly 
agreeing with the prosecutor that the true responsibility 
for the crime lay beyond the border, he pleaded with the 
court to consider Princip no more than the tool of others, 
"the victim of the Greater Serbia movement." Insisting that 
July, and not June, was his client's birthdate, he ended his 
brief appeal by recommending Princip to the mercy of the 

Feldbauer also was defending three of the assassins' help- 
ers Blagoje Kerovi, the farmer's son, Jakov Milovic, the 
smuggler, and one Nikola Forkapi, a Sarajevo student ac- 
cused of having had prior knowledge of the conspiracy 
and he could do more for them than he could for Princip. 
The case against Forkapi<5, he said, had simply not been 
borne out by the evidence. Blagoje Kerovi<5 had had no idea 
of what was going on when the youths stopped at his father's 
house; "his peasant's mind does not know the meaning of 
the words 'assassination plot/ " Milovi<5 finally, who had 
guided the youths across the border, might be "a common 
smuggler," not an offense with which he was charged, but 

The Penalty 233 

he was no traitor, an offense with which he was. All three, 
Feldbauer demanded, should be acquitted. 

He was followed by Dr. Premuzi, counsel for Cabrino- 
vic, Misko Jovanovic, and two o the lesser helpers Mitar 
Kerovi, and a seventeen year old student named Branko 
Zagorac, who was accused of having received advance in- 
formation about the plot from Vaso Cubrilovid Old Mitar 
Kerovi, the defense counsel said, was an illiterate peasant, 
with no understanding of the assassins' intent. Nor could 
Zagorac be expected to have lent any credence to the tales 
told him by CubriloviiS, "a virtual child." Neither, there- 
fore, was guilty as charged. 

In Cabrinovi's and Jovanovi's cases, Premuzi could 
hardly ask for an acquittal, of course, but he could and did 
plead extenuating circumstances. The court, he asked, 
should erase from its mind the character sketches the prose- 
cution had drawn of his clients. "The prosecutor thinks that 
MiSko [Jovanovi]'s soul is as black as his beard." But this 
was untrue. Jovanovid had had no idea that the arms he was 
keeping were to be used in an act that constituted treason. 
Admittedly, he had been the Tuzla representative of the 
Narodna Odbrana,, but he had thought of that organization 
as a purely cultural one. He might have been an unwitting 
accessory to murder, but never to treason. 

In Cabrinovic's case, one should bear in mind his un- 
happy home life, as well as the fact that during the trial, he 
had shown more "sincerity" than any of the other defend- 
ants. "He has revealed," said Premuzte with an irony that 
was totally unintentional, "the existence of Kazimirovid 
[the alleged Mason] to us/' If Cabrinovi had been an an- 
archist, it had been because of the Christian elements in 
anarchism. Assuredly, he had not been the crime's true in- 


stigator. Like Princip, he had merely acted as the tool of 
others. He would recommend no specific penalty, con- 
cluded Premuzi, but he again wished to ask the judges, in 
arriving at the proper sentence, to remember the crucial 
role played by Kazimirovic. 

The next two defense pleas offered no surprises. The 
third one did. 

Dr. Perisid demanded acquittals for Momcinovic and the 
two Sadilos, saying that they could not conceivably have 
known that the package left at their house contained arms 
used in the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, and were thus 
innocent of any offense. For Cvijan Stjepanovi, one of 
Princip's and Grabez's lesser helpers along the route, he 
pleaded ignorance; "this simple peasant," he said, had had 
no inkling of the object of the trip. Coming to his most 
heavily incriminated client, Cvijetko Popovi one of the 
seven assassins he begged the court to be lenient. At eight- 
een, Popovid was terribly young still, he said, and what he 
had known about the meaning of violence had all come 
from books. He had grown up in an atmosphere poisoned 
by pan-Serbian propaganda, but "at the bottom of his soul, 
he is no revolutionary." He was not a member of the inner 
conspiracy, nor had he known about the true motives of the 
rest of the group. Above all, when presented with his oppor- 
tunity to kill Franz Ferdinand that bloody Sunday four 
months ago, he had refrained from taking any action. 

The following morning, October 24, Dr. Strupl de- 
manded the acquittal of two of his clients Mico Mici, ac- 
cused of having helped to smuggle Princip and GrabeX 
across the border, and Jovo Kerovii, another of old Mitar 
Kerovi's sons, at whose farm they had stayed afterwards. 
Neither had known that the youths were planning an assas- 

The Penalty 235 

sination, he argued, and hence the prosecution had failed 
to establish any treasonable act. He pleaded extenuating 
circumstances for his two other charges Trifko Grabez, 
the only one among the three Belgrade-trained plotters who 
had failed to act on June 28, and Marko Perina, one more 
Sarajevo high-school student accused of having known 
about plans for the assassination. Perina, he said, had been 
unaware of any of the plot's details; moreover, he had been 
very much afraid of what might happen to him if he talked 
to the police. As for Grabez, Strupl did not deny his part 
in the conspiracy, but he pleaded that Grabez, rather than 
acting on his own volition, had been drawn into it by others. 
Beside, like Popovic, he had refused to kill when face to 
face with his intended victim. 

A Parliamentary Oversight 

All these had been highly competent, if unstartling, 
pleas. But when Dr. Rudolf Zistler rose to address the three 
judges, the atmosphere of the courtroom suddenly changed. 
Zis tier's clients were Vaso and Veljko Cubrilovi, the Sara- 
jevo assassin and his Priboj cousin; Ivo Kranjcevi, the Sara- 
jevo student who had helped to hide Vaso Cubrilovi^s arms 
after the crime in the Sadilos' house; and Nedjo Kerovi, 
last of Mitar Kerovid's sons, who had weepingly pleaded "It 
is possible that I am a little guilty." What Zistler was at- 
tempting to prove now was nothing less than the total in- 
nocence, under the law, of every one of his clients. 

The judges, he said, must not allow themselves to be in- 
fluenced by the passions of war; they "must judge this case 
purely from a legal point of view." They must be perfectly 
objective, and "not be guided by their hearts." 


You, My Lords, you are the priests of the blindfolded God- 
dess, that blind divinity who in one hand holds the scales 
and in the other the sword, who seeks only the objective 
truth, who makes all men equal before the law, and judges 
each according to his merits. 

Some of the defendants, said Zistler, might be accused of 
murder, but none of them was guilty of treason. Zistler's 
manner was long-winded and digressive; at one point Curi- 
naldi had to stop him when he embarked on an explanation 
of some of the intricacies of Croatian law, at another point 
he had to call him to order when he tried to launch into a 
history of European nationalism from "the end of the mid- 
dle ages onward." The gist of his case, however, was force- 
ful and simple. 

The defendants' actions, Zistler argued, "not only do not 
constitute, under our laws, the crime of treason, but are not 
even punishable acts/' The reason was this: Under the 
Peace of San Stefano of 1878 and the subsequent Treaty of 
Berlin, Austria-Hungary had been allowed to occupy the 
provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but not to annex 
them. Since the provinces were thus not an integral part of 
the monarchy, no one could be accused of treason for try- 
ing to detach them. 

In 1880, Zistler went on, the Austrian parliament had 
passed a law concerning the occupation, which specifically 
provided that no change in the territorial status of Bosnia- 
Herzegovina could be affected without the consent of the 
legislative bodies of Austria and Hungary. There had, of 
course, been a recent change, he said, since on October 5, 
1908, the Austro-Hungarian government had proclaimed 
the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the Turkish 
government, formerly sovereign over the region, had re- 

The Penalty 237 

nounced its local rights. The annexation, however, was not 
legally valid for parliament had forgotten to ratify the 

Bills legalizing the annexation had been submitted to 
parliament in Vienna and Budapest, but no action had been 
taken so far. "Consequently, the union of Bosnia and Her- 
zegovina with the monarchy exists de facto but not de jure; 
in other words, the sovereign rights of our most gracious 
Emperor extend to Bosnia and Herzegovina not as integral 
parts of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, but as political 
units distinct from, and located outside of, the monarchy." 

The Prosecutor: "I object." 

But if Svara acted shocked by Zistler's argument, Zistler 
was scornful about the prosecution's entire case. The trea- 
son charge, he said, had been introduced only because Aus- 
tria and Serbia were at war. The prosecutor was a govern- 
ment official, and the government he was serving wished to 
do as much damage as possible to Serbia before world opin- 
ion. By accusing the defendants of both treason and mur- 
der, he implied, the prosecution had admitted the falseness 
of the treason charge. "The indictment is very foresighted: 
it figures that the court might find that there was no treason, 
and is ready to fall back on the murder charge." 

Zistler was too good a lawyer to put everything on one 
card, however, and to end his speech on this note. Instead 
he went into the extenuating circumstances which he felt 
his clients could claim in the event that the court should 
uphold the treason charge. 

Veljko Cubrilovi, he said, was a man devoted to his fam- 
ily, a man of kindness and intelligence. His only part in the 
crime had been to aid Princip and Grabez on their trip to 
Sarajevo; and here the court must consider how terribly 
frightened he had been by the two young men's threats. If 


found guilty, he did not deserve death, for he had only been 
an accessory to the crime, and not its instigator. 

Vaso Cubrilovic, one of Hid 's recruits, was only seventeen 
a difficult age in anyone's life. He had been a victim of 
pan-Serb propaganda, whose answers in court had shown 
how profound his political naivete was. He might have been 
an accessory to planning the murder, but when Franz Fer- 
dinand actually passed him, he had made no use of his bomb 
or gun. "Saul became Paul; the criminal became a just 
man/' The court should set him free: "I feel that Vaso Cu- 
brilovic!: would benefit from an acquittal." 

Kranjevl had helped Vaso Cubrilovid to hide his arms 
only because he had taken pity on "a repentant criminal." 
His loyalty to the monarchy was beyond doubt, and he had 
had just about as much to do with the plot "as Pontius Pi- 
late with the Apostles' Creed." Nedjo Kerovi, finally, was 
"a big child," a peasant wholly ignorant of politics. When 
told to transport some students and their baggage by Veljko 
Cubrilovi(i, a learned schoolteacher, how could this simple 
soul refuse? "That is the extent of Nedjo Kerovi's partici- 
pation. Where is the intention of detaching Bosnia and 
Herzegovina from the monarchy?" 

Reverting to his dramatic mood once more, Zistler ended 
his plea with this appeal to the court: 

I am profoundly convinced that if you were to address 
yourselves to those who have perhaps suffered the most, 
really, from the death of the Heir to the Throne, because 
they have lost their family, if you were to address those who 
every night before falling asleep bathe their pillows in tears 
if you were to address the children of the deceased princely 
couple, asking them if they demanded the heads of the de- 
fendants, they would spare their lives. 

The Penalty 239 

We must not lose sight of the fact that this is a historical 
trial; that the eyes of the whole world look on this illustrious 
court today; and that the world waits curiously for the sen- 
tence that will "be pronounced in this hall of judgment. 

Future generations and historians will speak of this trial. 
For this reason, the sentences must not be brutal; they must 
be just and endure as a bright page in the annals of criminal 
jurisprudence, before the tribunal of civilization, and of 

My Lords, if you will imbue your minds with this idea, I 
am convinced that in considering the defendants in general 
and my clients in particular, you will give proof of leniency 
and generosity. 

"We Have Loved the People" 

After this direct attack on the whole basis of the trial, one 
might have expected any plea that followed to sound anti- 
climactic. In a sense it did, for the last counsel to rise for the 
defense, Court Secretary Wenzl Malek, decided to take an 
approach that was infinitely less aggressive than Zistler's. 
At the same time, he was really saying very much the same 
things Zistler had in defense of his individual clients, ex- 
cept that it was doing it in a manner designed to win the 
sympathy of the court. 

Zistler had begun by casting doubts on the judges' objec- 
tivity. Malek began by making clear his personal distaste 
for defending the people who were his clients. "If I hear/' 
he quoted Cicero, "that someone has undertaken to defend 
a man guilty of treason against his country, I consider him 
an accomplice to the crime." In the much-maligned Austro- 
Hungarian monarchy, the Court Secretary went on, matters 
were different, and the country's magistrates themselves 


might be charged with defending men accused o treason. 
"That is my duty, too, much as I would prefer sitting among 
you, My Lords, to standing before this bar." 

Having said this, Malek launched into a skillful and lu- 
cid defense of his four clients Ili, Djukic, Kalember, and 
Milosevic. Hid, he said, had committed no overt act of trea- 
son. His part in transporting the arms from Tuzla to Sara- 
jevo might make him an accomplice to Princip's crime, but 
not its instigator. Beside, in deciding whether or not he had 
committed treason, it was essential to weigh his motives. 
Whatever Ilic's role in the assassination, there was no evi- 
dence that he had been driven by any desire to see Bosnia 
and Herzegovina detached from the monarchy, as charged 
by the prosecution. The true reason for his involvement 
was the dominating influence exerted over him by Princip. 

Regarding the murder charge, Ilic's only involvement 
again consisted in transporting the arms, an act of "indirect 
participation" at most. The real crime, argued Malek, did 
not begin until the conspirators assembled on the Appel 
Quay on June 28. By that time, Ilic had abandoned the 
whole murder plan, and was trying to dissuade the others 
from going through with it. 

In considering Ilia's penalty for the lesser charge of com- 
plicity, the court should hold in his favor the fact that he 
had acted under Princip's orders, and it should remember 
his genuine regrets after the crime, regrets that had led him 
to make a full confession to the investigating judge. 

Malek's pleas for his remaining three charges were short. 
Djuki, accused of having recruited Vaso Cubrilovi for the 
assassination, had never really taken the plot seriously, and 
thus been without any treasonable intent. Nor had Kalem- 
ber, accused of having heard about the crime from Cubrilo- 
vic and of having withheld evidence, harbored any such in- 

The Penalty 241 

tent. Cubrilovi<5 was known as a fellow addicted to wild talk, 
and there was no reason why Kalember should have be- 
lieved his "Wild West novel" tales about an assassination. 
MiloSevifi, finally, who had sheltered Princip and Grabez 
after they had crossed into Bosnia, and who had carried 
their arms for them, had known neither who his visitors 
were, nor what was in their bags. All the defendants, said 
Malek, had agreed on the stand that Milosevic had not been 
told one word about the plot. 

In Djuki's case, he begged the court to take into account 
his youth and his good record; as for Kalember and Milo- 
sevi, he was demanding an acquittal. 

With this, the defense rested its case. Under Bosnian trial 
procedure, the prosecution now was allowed a last brief 
summing up, after which the defendants themselves would 
be given an opportunity to make any final statement they 

Svara, the prosecutor, concentrated on Zistler's charges 
in his closing words. Zistler, he said, might be right when 
he claimed that parliament had failed to act on the annexa- 
tion. The issue was immaterial, however, since the trial was 
being held under Bosnian, not Austrian law, and "the law 
in force among us" made the crime one of treason. "I reit- 
erate," were the final words Svara uttered in the trial, "the 
entire indictment." 

Judge Curinaldi turned to the defendants. Was there 
anything they wished to add? 

Three of them made use of their right on this last day of 
the trial, Friday, October 23 Veljko Cubrilovii, Nedjelko 
Cabrinovi, and Gavrilo Princip. 

Cubrilovi<5 spoke for a minute only, and the school teach- 
er's sole point was to stress again that his part in the crime 
had been of no real consequence. 


Cabrinovi's statement was of a very different sort. He 
would like to explain, said the young man who had thrown 
the bomb at Franz Ferdinand, "in clear terms the circum- 
stances that influenced us before the assassination/' 

"We did not hate Austria," he said, but the Austrians had 
done nothing, since the occupation, to solve the problems 
that faced Bosnia and Herzegovina. In particular, they had 
failed to relieve the economic misery of the Bosnian farmer. 
"Nine-tenths of our people are farmers who suffer, who live 
in misery, who have no schools, who are deprived of any cul- 
ture. We sympathized with them in their distress/' The 
court should understand this, and "not consider us crimi- 
nals. We loved our people/' 

The assassination, Cabrinovi went on his voice betray- 
ing his deep emotion had arisen from an atmosphere in 
which there was daily talk of violence, and in which assas- 
sins were celebrated as heroes. "We thought that only peo- 
ple of noble character were capable of committing [politi- 
cal] assassinations/* There had been no personal hatred for 
Franz Ferdinand, but "we heard it said that he was an 
enemy of the Slavs. Nobody directly told us 'kill him'; but 
in this environment, we arrived at the idea ourselves/' 

Cabrinovi<5 ended by voicing a sentiment he had stead- 
fastly suppressed during the trial so far: 

I would like to add something else [he said, as tears showed 
in his eyes]. Although Princip is playing the hero, and al- 
though we all wanted to appear as heroes, we still have pro- 
found regrets. In the first place, we did not know that the 
late Franz Ferdinand was a father. We were greatly touched 
by the words he addressed to his wife: 'Sophie, stay alive for 
our children/ We are anything you want, except criminals. 
In my name and in the name of my comrades, I ask the chil- 

The Penalty 243 

dren of the late successor to the throne to forgive us. As for 
you, punish us according to your understanding. We are not 
criminals. We are honest people, animated by noble senti- 
ments; we are idealists; we wanted to do good; we have loved 
our people; and we shall die for our ideals. 

Weeping, he sat down. Both the audience and one of the 
judges, noted a local reporter, had been moved to tears by 
his words. 

The last defendant to face the bar was Princip. As he rose, 
he looked pale and calm; "his voice," wrote the same re- 
porter, "does not show the least trace of emotion/' What he 
had to say he put into four terse sentences: 

In trying to insinuate that someone else has instigated the 
assassination, one strays from the truth. The idea arose in 
our own minds, and we ourselves executed it. We have loved 
the people. I have nothing to say in my defense. 

Curinaldi: "The trial is ended. Sentence will be pro- 
nounced here on Thursday, the sgth, at 8:30 A.M." 

The Sentence 

Six days later, as Curinaldi had announced, the court re- 
convened to hear the decision of the judges. 

Five of the six assassins Princip, Cabrinovii, Grabe5, 
Popovic, and Vaso Cubrilovic were found guilty of trea- 
son and murder. Since all but Princip were indisputably un- 
der twenty years of age at the time they had broken the law, 
they were not subject to the death penalty, however, and 
even in Princip '$ case, the judges ruled that the conflicting 
evidence about his birthdate must be interpreted in his 
favor, and the defendant be considered underage. Princip, 


Grabez, and Cabrinovid accordingly received the maximum 
term of twenty years in prison; while the less actively In- 
volved Vaso Cubrilovid was sentenced to sixteen years, and 
Popovid to thirteen. Except for Popovic, the judges added, 
the prisoners were to suffer one fast day each month, and 
every June 28, they were to spend twenty-four hours in 
solitary confinement, "in a darkened cell, and on hard 

Danilo Hid, the last of the assassins, and four of the plot- 
ters* principal helpers Veljko Cubrilovid, the Priboj 
schoolteacher, Miko Jovanovid, the Tuzla businessman, 
Nedjo Kerovid, who had driven Princip and Grabez to 
Tuzla, and Lazar Djukid, who had recruited Vaso Cubrilo- 
vic for the assassination were found guilty of treason and 
of being accessories to murder. Djukid got off with a prison 
term of ten years, but the four others were sentenced to 
death by hanging. 

Found guilty of the treason charge, but innocent of mur- 
der, were Mitar Kerovid, head of the Kerovid clan, and 
Jakov Milovid, Princip's and Grabez's guide across the bor- 
der. The sentence against Milovid was death, that against 
Kerovid prison for life. Guilty of being accessories to either 
treason or murder, for having failed to inform the police of 
the plot, were four of the killers' associates: Kranj2evid, 
Stjepanovic, Zagorac, and Perina. Their sentences were 
prison terms of between three and ten years. ' 

Nine of the defendants Mr. and Mrs. Sadilo and Mrs. 
Sadilo's father, accused of having hidden Cubrilovid's arms; 
Jovo and Blagoje Kerovid, accused of having aided Princip 
and Grabez on their trip to Sarajevo; Forkapid and Kalem- 
ber, accused of having withheld evidence; and Miid and 
Milosevid, accused of having accompanied Princip and Gra- 

The Penalty 245 

bez during and after their border crossing were acquitted 
on all charges. 

The five death sentences cannot but strike one as harsh, 
yet it should be borne in mind that under Anglo-Saxon law, 
too, death is the ultimate penalty for treason, and that any- 
one conspiring to commit an act of murder is fully as guilty 
of that murder as the person striking the fatal blow. In all, 
it had been a fair and objective trial, held at a time, more- 
over, when the war the direct result of the crime was 
endangering the very existence of the monarchy which the 
accused had betrayed. They had had all the latitude which 
the law permitted to defend themselves and their action; 
their judges, throughout, had indeed shown themselves to 
be "priests of the blindfolded Goddess." The court's ob- 
servance of the rules of evidence had been so scrupulous 
that the conflicting testimony about Princip's birthdate had 
been resolved in the defendant's favor, and that two of the 
assassins' principal helpers Micic and Milosevic found 
themselves acquitted. To realize just how fair the trial had 
been, one only needs to recall some of the circumstances of 
the trial of Lincoln's assassins, in which defense counsel was 
treated with contempt and abuse by the court, in which the 
government offered perjured testimony, in which people 
on the mere fringes of the plot, like Mrs. Surratt, whose 
guilt is in doubt to this day, were sentenced to death, and 
in which, finally, the condemned prisoners' pleas for clem- 
ency were suppressed and never reached the President. 

The Sarajevo sentences, subsequently, were appealed to 
a higher court. The higher court upheld all of them, except 
for the death sentences against Jakov Milovid and Nedjo 
Kerovi6 It changed Milovi<5's sentence to imprisonment 
for life, and Kerovi<5's to twenty years. 

Those sentenced to prison were then taken to various 


places of confinement; where, we do not always know. Some 
apparently stayed in Sarajevo; others, like Princip and Ca- 
brinovic, began to serve out their terms at the fortress 
prison of Theresienstadt in Bohemia. With the end of the 
trial, they fell back into the obscurity from which they had 
come. Many people must have seen them or talked to them 
in prison, but there are next to no descriptions of any such 
meetings, or of the circumstances of their confinement. The 
terrors of the war, it seems, made the fate of its instigators 
a matter of very minor interest. 

The execution of the three men whose death sentences 
had been confirmed took place, some three months after 
the trial, in the courtyard of the Sarajevo prison. There is 
no known record of it other than the barest newspaper ac- 
counts, and the official telegram sent by the Bosnian Ad- 
ministration to the Joint Ministry of Finance in Vienna 
on February 3, 1915. The telegram reads as follows: 

Trial sentence against Veljko Cubrilovid, Misko Jovanovi, 
and Danilo Hid executed today between 9 and 10 A.M. with- 
out incident. 



: On this Historic Spot" 

The Salonica Murders 

Few of the remaining plotters, either in Austria or in 
Serbia, survived the war. Major Tankosi, arrested in Bel- 
grade after the receipt of the Austrian ultimatum, but re- 
leased again after the declaration of war, was killed in action 
during the retreat of the Serbian army before the Central 
Powers in 1915. Ciganovic, Apis* go-between, joined 
Tankosic's company after the Serbian mobilization, but. he 
was more fortunate than the major. In 1 9 1 7, Prime Minister 
Pasi furnished him with some money and with a false pass- 
port, and sent him to the United States, where he waited out 
the war. In 1919, he returned to Serbia, received a small 
grant of land from the government, married, and settled 
down. He died in 1927, the only one among the principal 
plotters to die from natural causes outside prison. The 
price CiganovicV had to pay for his survival, however, was 
the open betrayal of Dimitrijevi6. 

The betrayal was needed in the judicial murder of Apis 



and his friends by the Serbian government. Toward the 
end o 1916, Prime Minister Pasic decided to break up the 
Black Hand once and for all, and to destroy its leaders. 
What his reasons were is not clear. The Serbian army had 
suffered a series of disastrous defeats, and the government 
had been forced to take refuge on Greek soil. One pos- 
sibility is that Pasic thought of negotiating a separate peace 
with the Austrians at this time, and that he as well as the 
Prince Regent were mortally afraid of what Apis might do 
to them if he should hear of this. Another is that Apis was 
actively intriguing against Pasic's regime. Yet another is 
that Pasic: was very much concerned lest Apis, on some oc- 
casion, reveal the truth about Sarajevo, and thus expose 
the guilty knowledge of the Serbian government. 

Whatever the motives, between December 1916 and 
March 1917 the Serbian police arrested Apis and a great 
many of his associates, including Mehmedbasi<5, the Moslem 
carpenter who, alone among the Sarajevo assassins, had 
succeeded in escaping to Serbia. In May 1917 these men 
were tried before a military tribunal in the city of Salonica. 
There were two charges against them. One was treason. 
They had, the prosecution claimed, planned to overthrow 
the legal Serbian government, and to conclude peace with 
the country's enemies. The other was attempted murder. 
In August 1916 according to the indictment, they had 
made an unsuccessful attempt against the life of the Prince 
Regent, Alexander. One charge was as baseless as the other. 

The trial, in which Ciganovi appeared as one of the 
government's star witnesses, was a travesty of justice. The 
judges chosen were personal enemies of the defendants. 
The prosecution produced eighty witnesses, but none had 
anything concrete to say about the treason charge, and only 
one claimed to have been present at the scene of the sup- 

"On this Historic Spot" 249 

posed attack on Alexander. That witness had to be brought 
in from prison, where he was serving a sentence for murder. 
The most important part of the evidence, that against the 
Black Hand, was incomplete, since the government was in- 
tent on keeping out of the record anything bearing on 
either the Black Hand's general activities abroad, or on its 
share in the Sarajevo assassination. Apis, patriotically, 
agreed before the trial's start to introduce no such evidence 
himself. Thus, there is something of the quality of Koestler's 
Darkness at Noon about the proceedings. Apis, one realizes 
as one reads between the lines of the Salonica trial record, 
must have known that one of the reasons the government 
was so anxious to see him dead was his participation in the 
Sarajevo plot. Yet there was no way in which he could de- 
fend himself against this unspoken charge if only to ex- 
plain his motives except by revealing facts which would 
harm the case of Serbia. This Apis could not bring himself 
to do. 

Only once did a possible allusion to Sarajevo get into 
the record. It happened when Djuro Sarac, one of Apis' 
Black Hand associates who had either known about or aided 
in Franz Ferdinand's murder, testified for the government 
that he had once heard Ciganovi<5 say something that im- 
plied that Tankosic had once murdered or tortured some 
people outside Belgrade. (This bit of third-hand, hearsay 
evidence was fairly characteristic of the testimony heard 
during the trial as a whole.) 

Dimitrijevi interrupted the witness: "That is a lie." 

"No!" shot back Sarac. "That is no lie! It hurts my soul 

when I consider what you made of us, and what you still 

intended to make of us. One can't mention everything here 

in court. You know that very well. But the time for that 


will come. I knew no evil before I fell into your hands. 
Horror seizes me when I think what you made of us!" 

The legal farce had a tragic ending. On May 23, 1917, 
Apis and six of his fellow officers were sentenced to death; 
the remaining defendants received long prison terms. Meh- 
medbasi was sentenced to fifteen years in prison for his 
alleged part in the alleged assassination plot against the 
Prince Regent. On appeal to a higher court, four of the 
death sentences were commuted to long prison terms, but 
those against the three others Apis among them were 
upheld. The Prince Regent, for his part, rejected a final 
appeal for clemency. 

A Necessity of State 

Before informing the defendants of the decision of the 
higher court, one of the judges paid a visit to each of the 
prisoners in their cells. Would they, the judge asked, give 
him a full and secret statement describing their involve- 
ment in the Sarajevo plot. 

Apis, for one, complied, writing a confession which was 
a curious blend of truth and untruth. He admitted his 
own share in Franz Ferdinand's murder, and gave a largely 
correct account of the crime's genesis, but took pains to 
mention a co-defendant of his named Malobabi, rather 
than Tankosi, as his link with the assassins. 

A few days later, having been told that the court of 
appeal had upheld his death sentence, Apis wrote his last 
will and testament. Into it, he inserted a number of refer- 
ences to Sarajevo, which he must have hoped later readers 
would understand as indeed they can. The text reads as 

"On this Historic Spot" 251 

My Last Will and Testament 

Although sentenced to death by two competent courts, and 
deprived of the mercy of the Crown, I die innocently, and in 
the conviction that my death is necessary to Serbia for higher 

This conviction gives me the peace of soul with which I await 
my last hour. 

Provided that Serbia be happy, and that our holy oath the 
union of all South Slavs and all that is South Slav be ful- 
filled, I shall be happy even after death. 

The pain that I feel over dying by Serbian guns shall be 
sweet and dear to me, since I am convinced that the guns are 
aimed at my chest for the good of Serbia and the Serbian 
people, a cause to which I have dedicated my entire life. 

I may, without wishing to, have committed errors in my 
work as a patriot. I may even, unknowingly, have hurt Ser- 
bian interests. But in taking any action one almost always 
runs the risk of being sometimes wrong. I am certain, how- 
ever, of having committed no intentional errors, and of al- 
ways having wished to serve no other cause than that of 

May these mistakes be forgiven me, at least by the Serbs, and 
I shall pray to God to show me His inexhaustible mercy. 

What property remains to me I distribute as follows: 

1. I request that my money be sent to my nephew Milan 
2ivanovic*, refugee in France, a student at the Grand Lyc6e 
Neuf in Nice. 

2. I request that my horse "Bliicher" be offered first to the 
state, and that the money from the sale be sent to my nephew. 

3. As for my horse "Zvesdana," I leave it to those best able 
to judge the matter whether this horse is still capable of 


rendering some service. If he is, I donate him to the state; 
if not, 1 ask that he be killed. 

4. All my other possessions should be distributed among poor 
refugees, with the canned goods, food, and tobacco going to 
the soldiers and policemen who have guarded me in prison, 
as a gift toward the repose of my soul. 

5, I request that my watch, a souvenir from my brother-in- 
law, 2ivan Zivanovic, be sent to my nephew Milan 2ivanovi 
as a souvenir. 

This is my last will and testament. 

I request, finally, that after the execution of my bequests, this 
testament be sent to my nephew Milan 2ivanovi in Nice. 

June 11 [Old Style] 24 [New Style], atSalonica. 


cc No One Was Hit in the Head" 

Less than forty-eight hours later, during the night of 
June 25, the executioners came to fetch the condemned 
men from their cells. Apis, who in his single-minded pur- 
suit of the Greater Serbian idea had not hesitated to sac- 
rifice either individuals or nations, showed them no weak- 
ness and no self-pity. Whether Apis' life deserves admira- 
tion or blame will always be a matter of argument, but 
there can be no question that his death was that of a hero. 
Here is the account of his last hours, written immediately 
after the event by an official witness to the execution, 
Lieutenant Colonel Ljubomir Dabid, of the Judge Advo- 
cate's Division of the Royal Serbian Army: 

"After having made their confessions to arch-priest 
Zdravko Paunkovic, the condemned men Dimitrijevid and 

"On this Historic Spot" 253 

Vulovl gave him letters for their families; the arch-priest 
will pass them on today to the commanding officer. The 
condemned Malobabi gave him keys and combinations in 
order to withdraw money from a bank, which is to go to the 

"Dimitrijevic, Vulovi, and Malobabi<5 were taken to 
the place of execution in a closed car at 1:00 A.M. [of June 

". . . We arrived at the place of execution at 1:30. All 
along the narrow path that led to it from the car Vulovi 
talked animatedly with Lieutenant Joseph Proti [appar- 
ently a guard officer in command of the policemen who 
were charged with the execution]. Dimitrijevii said three 
times: 'This is a special military service we are made to 
perform/ talking all the while with Captain Milan Stojkovi 
[apparently another officer of the guards] in a low voice. 
Malobabic said nothing. 

"At the precise spot of the execution, we had to wait for 
twenty minutes, the time necessary to make the prepara- 
tions. It was then that Dimitrijevic and Vulovi asked 
repeatedly not to be executed before dawn, and to tell the 
policemen to aim well, so that they would not be massacred 
in the dark. This was granted. When he saw me, Dimitri- 
jevid asked if I had come on behalf of the court, and when I 
replied that I had, and that I was obliged to read the sen- 
tence to him, he said in a bantering tone: 'Understand 
what has happened to me; I assure you that I am innocent/ 

"I replied that as a man and a comrade I felt sorry to see 
him die in his best years, when he still could have rendered 
so many services to his country, but that according to the 
law he was guilty, and that he might find consolation in the 
certain knowledge that his death was necessary for the 
country and for public order. He seemed to be pleased to 


hear these words, for he said: 'I beg you, tell my friends 
that I do not regret dying under Serbian bullets, since it is 
for the welfare of Greater Serbia, which I hope with all my 
heart will soon come about. Yes, according to the law I 
am guilty, and what will happen had to happen. Relations 
[with Pasii's government?] had become too strained 
through my fault, and that is why it is necessary that I go/ 

"Then he continued jestingly: 'But why could not one 
have chosen a better place for the execution, preferably 
on a hill, from which one could have gazed at the sea. You 
know, what this country lacks is a bit of solemnity/ His 
attitude was one of firmness; he was, however, quite 
changed, his face was pale and his voice trembled slightly. 
From time to time he consoled Rade Malobabi6 When the 
latter reproached him by saying that it was due to him that 
he found himself in this spot, he replied: It's fate, Rade. 
If you had not been with me, it would not have happened 
to me either. If you had stayed at Kurchumlia, you and I 
would have remained alive/ [Malobabi<5, an Austrian citi- 
zen, had been Apis' top espionage agent in Austria-Hun- 
gary. After the outbreak of the war, he had been arrested 
and maltreated by the Serbian police. When Dimitrijevi 
heard about this, he effected Malobabic's release. Kurch- 
umlia was the place to which he took the "more dead than 
alive" ex-spy to recover from the effects of his prison ex- 
periences. As the enemy advance into Serbia continued, 
Malobabi<5 begged Apis not to let him fall into Austrian 
hands, and Apis agreed that he should leave Kurchumlia, 
and accompany him on the Serbian retreat into Greece.] 

"Vulovi^ bore himself best of alL He did not lose his 
sense of humor for a moment. He admitted having been 
guilty, but not of the crime of which he was accused. When 
I asked for some water while reading the sentence, and 

"On this Historic Spot" 255 

when I had drunk, he addressed me with the words: 'Give 
me some water top, please, namesake.' Taking the jug, he 
added: 'Let's hope you don't have syphilis/ to which I 
replied that it was too late now for such worries; he laughed 
in an entirely natural manner. 

"MalobabiC was the most discouraged and beaten; he re- 
proached himself all the time for finishing his life in this 
manner instead of being able to offer it freely in the cause 
of Serbia. 

"After the sentences of both courts and the orders from 
headquarters concerning the executions had been read, 
which took from 2:00 to 4:30 [A.M.], Dimitrijevid and 
Vulovi took leave from all the officers present, bidding 
them adieu. Dimitrijevi turned to the priest and kissed 
his hand, and in a low voice spoke some words to Colonel 
Duni [another officer detailed to attend the execution]. 
The three condemned men embraced, and Dimitrijevi 
turned toward us, saying, as he put his hand on Malobabte's 
shoulder: 'I affirm again that this man was a good patriot 
and that he was always acted for the welfare of Serbia/ 

"Then the three condemned men stepped down into the 
ditches that had been dug for the purpose, and placed 
themselves in front of the stakes, Dimitrijevic^ on the right, 
Vulovi in the middle, and Malobabi on the left. When 
stepping down, Dimitrijevic said: It seems that the ditch 
is not quite deep enough for me.' When it came to blind- 
folding Malobabi, and the latter asked that one dispense 
with it, Dimitrijevi^ said: 'Let them do it, Rade, the law 
requires it/ After being blindfolded, Dimitrijevid and 
Vulovi cried: 'Long live Greater Serbia!' and Dimitrijevi<5 
added: 'Long live Yugoslavia!' At the last moment, Vulovi 
said: 'Adieu, Dragutin' to Dimitrijevii once again, and 


Dimitrijevic passed on this farewell to Malobabi, adding: 
'Adieu, Rade,' to which the latter made no reply. 

1 'Although it had taken more than two hours and a half 
to read the sentence, dawn had not broken yet, and the 
three condemned men waited calmly, talking to each other 
from time to time in low voices. At one point, Malobabi 
turned almost entirely away from us, and there was talk 
that he was thinking of escaping and was looking for a way 
to do so. However, he did no such thing. All he did was to 
give some more instructions concerning his property which 
he was leaving to his family. 

"The condemned Vulovi threw his cane over his head 
from the ditch, asking that it be given to Major Alexander 
Savic, who should take it to his wife, and asked that his 
wallet be taken from his pocket. 

"Malobabic succumbed after the first five shots, while 
the two others suffered longer, twenty shots having to be 
fired at each of them. No one was hit in the head. 

"The doctor made the usual examination, and the con- 
demned men were buried. 

"The execution was over on June 13/26, 1917, at 4:47 
in the morning." 

There remains one postscript to record about the trial 
and execution of Apis. Thirty-six years later, in 1953, the 
Supreme Court of the Federal People's Republic of Yugo- 
slavia (Princip's dream has taken on a very different shape 
today) retried the case of Dimitrijevic!: and associates, and 
found them innocent of the charges on which they had been 
convicted at Salonica. The posthumous acquittal led to a 
public debate in Yugoslavia whether Dimitrijevic and the 
Black Hand might not, perhaps, be considered early "pro- 
gressives." The debate was ended when a government 
spokesman declared that while the reversal of the Salonica 

"On this Historic Spot" 257 

sentence was fully justified, the Black Hand's ideals bore no 
resemblance to those of modern, Communist Yugoslavia. 
Hence no monument, no tablet, and no street name pro- 
claims the fame of the author of the Sarajevo murders to 
this day. 

Prison and Death 

What happened to the others? Not everyone involved 
in Franz Ferdinand's murder ended as violently as Dimitri- 
jevi, or the three men executed at Sarajevo. Yet for the 
survivors, life never was the same after the First World War 
and the peace that, ending it, decreed the dissolution of 
Austria-Hungary and the establishment of a number of 
successor states which included the new kingdom of Yugo- 

Curinaldi, the Presiding Judge at Princip's trial, quietly 
lived out the last years of his life at a Jesuit retreat in 
Sarajevo. Pfeffer, the Investigating Judge, was appointed 
District Attorney a year after the trial. At the end of the war, 
he asked for his retirement, and subsequently published 
some reminiscences of Sarajevo in which he absolved the 
Serbian government of any responsibility for the crime, and 
implied that certain people in Austria whom he would 
not name might have been behind the assassination. 

Zistler, the most temperamental among the defense 
counsel, also opted for Yugoslavia, and in the late nine- 
teen-thirties went on a lecture tour to raise funds toward 
the construction of a memorial to Princip. Grbi, the Serb- 
ian border guard who had helped Princip and Grabe2 cross 
into Bosnia, was wounded and taken prisoner-of-war by 
the Austrians in August, 1914, but was never brought to 


Governor Potiorek and Minister of Finance Bilinski, 
whose Ministry in Vienna held the ultimate authority over 
the affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina, engaged in a bitter 
and protracted argument in which they accused each other 
of not having done enough to prevent Franz Ferdinand's 
murder. Potiorek, who had long thought war with Serbia 
inevitable, and who immediately after the crime urged 
Vienna to use force against Belgrade, was put in supreme 
command of the Southeastern front when war came. He won 
some brilliant initial victories, which brought his troops 
deep into Serbia, but in December, 1914, he was forced to 
retreat in disastrous haste, and was relieved of his command. 
His greatest failing, apparently, had been his ignorance of 
actual conditions in the field. He directed all operations 
from his office at headquarters, communicating even with 
his chief of staff by means of written notes only. For all his 
considerable talents, Potiorek had always been an unsociable 
and lonely man, but an added reason why he would never 
leave his office for an inspection of the front, Vienna gossip 
had it, was that ever since Princip had almost shot him 
instead of Sophie on June 28, he lived in perpetual fear of 
his personal safety. He died in the Austrian province of 
Carinthia in 1933, at the age of eighty. "When," read one 
obituary, "he walked through the streets of Klagenfurt 
in simple civilian clothes, rucksack on his shoulders to do 
his shopping, as he did until the last years of his life, no 
one could have seen that this man had once been so power- 
ful, proud, and unapproachable." 

Bilinski, when peace came, for a while served in the 
government of the newly created Republic of Poland as 
Minister of Finance, but as an acquaintance noted, "he 
soon returned to Austria, chagrined, and lived mostly in 
Vienna, or during the summer in Ischl, amidst his memories 

"On this Historic Spot" 259 

of the Empire that was no more." Emperor Franz Joseph, 
at the age of 86, collapsed while going over some state pa- 
pers on a cold November morning in 1916. He had been 
trying to observe his usual work schedule despite his age, 
and despite the fact that he was suffering from a severe case 
of pneumonia. He died during the evening of November 
21, surrounded by his daughters, by the Heir to the Throne, 
and by a number of old servants. 

Konopisht castle, from which Franz Ferdinand had 
started on his fateful journey, was seized by the government 
of the new Czechoslovak republic, after the First World 
War. In 1938, after the Nazi occupation of Austria, the 
Gestapo arrested both of Franz Ferdinand's sons, Duke 
Maximilian and Duke Ernst, and sent them to Dachau con- 
centration camp. One of their Austrian fellow-inmates 
remembers having met them, "unbowed, and encouraging 
everyone by their example. Even in their dirty, torn prison 
clothing they remained gentlemen, true noblemen. In what 
little free time we had, they sat in the dusty road with us, 
sharing the few pieces of sugar one had somehow got hold 
of. There was not a person in the whole camp who did not 
speak of the 'Hohenbergs* with the greatest respect/ 1 After 
the end of the Second World War, Duke Maximilian von 
Hohenberg for several years served as mayor of Artstetten, 
and in 1956, his son Franz Ferdinand namesake and 
grandson of the murdered Archduke married Princess 
Elizabeth of Luxembourg in Luxembourg's Cathedral of 
Notre Dame. 

Pai<5, the Serbian Prime Minister, played a leading role 
in Yugoslav politics until his death in 1926. In the final 
years of his life, he was rumored to be working on a manu- 
script which would tell his side of the Sarajevo story, but 
no such book ever appeared. 


Of the assassins and their helpers, only a handful lived 
long enough to witness the defeat of Austria, and the crea- 
tion of the Yugoslav state for which they had hoped and 
killed. Old Mitar Kerovi, the farmer, died in prison, as 
did young Marko Perina, Cabrinovic's friend, who had 
been among those initiated into the plot. Nedjelko Cabri- 
novic, the bomb-thrower and ex-anarchist, died in Ther- 
esienstadt prison at the end of January, 1916, of the tuber- 
culosis he had contracted before his arrest. At the end of 
the previous year, Franz Werf el, the playwright and novel- 
ist, who was serving with the Austrian army at the time, 
happened to see him briefly, and came away profoundly im- 
pressed by the meeting. Cabrinovi, he wrote later, was 
pitifully weak, and looked like "a ghost who is about to dis- 
solve." Yet the expression of his face looked to Werfel 
"turned deeply and nobly inward," and a power born of his 
obvious convictions seemed to radiate from him "I do not 
believe that anyone dealing with this shadow [of a man] 
could escape this force/' A month after Cabrinovid's death 
followed that of Grabez. In his case, too, the cause was 

Princip, deeply grieved by the loss of his friends, and 
suffering, as they had, from tuberculosis in its most cruel 
form, died during the last year of the war, on the evening 
of April 28, 1918, in the hospital of Theresienstadt prison. 
His illness seems to have made his last years a period of 
physical torture. Not enough is known of the conditions 
of Princip's and his friends' imprisonment to pass any 
judgment on their jailers, or to say what might have been 
done to ease their final sufferings, but the evidence of three 
deaths in two years alone reflects little credit on the Austro- 
Hungarian authorities. 

Not one among the youths ever revealed what he really 

"On this Historic Spot" 261 

knew about Sarajevo. Even when visited by a psychiatrist 
in 1916, Princip, while speaking freely about his dreams 
and feelings, took care to emphasize that the idea of the 
murder had been his and his alone. 

Only three of the assassins survived the war Popovi, 
Cubrilovi, and Mehmedbasi. Young Cvijetko Popovid, 
sentenced to thirteen years in prison at the Sarajevo trial, 
was released after the collapse of Austria, as was the other 
young local high-school student, Vaso Cubrilovi. Cubrilo- 
vi, after teaching high school in Sarajevo for a number of 
years, went on to become a university professor. After the 
Second World War, he joined Tito's government as minis- 
ter of forests, and at present is a professor of history at the 
University of Belgrade, where he is offering a course in 
nineteenth-century Serbia. Popovic also chose an educa- 
tor's career. He advanced to high-school supervisor and at 
present is Curator of the Ethnographic Department of the 
Sarajevo Museum. Muhamed Mehmedbasic, pardoned in 
1919, along with the other survivors of the Salonica trial, 
went back to Sarajevo, where he made a modest living as a 
gardener and occasionally as a carpenter, his old trade. 
There he died during the Second World War. 

In 1920, the mortal remains of Princip, Cabrinovid, and 
Grabez were solemnly transferred from Theresienstadt 
now in Czechoslovakia to Yugoslavia, and reburied in the 
Sarajevo cemetery, in a simple and impressive grave, whose 
only ornament consists of three large stone slabs. Princip 
rests in the middle, under a raised slab; to his left lie 
Cabrinovi and Grabe2, and their mentor 2eraji; to his 
right lie the men who were executed after the Sarajevo 
trial, or who died in prison. 

A memorial which the Austrians had erected in honor of 
Franz Ferdinand and Sophie near the place of the assassina- 


tion was razed soon after the war. The Lateiner Bridge, 
where Princip fired his fatal shots, now bears the name of 
Princip Bridge; the street in which Ilia's house stands, and 
where Princip stayed with his friend after returning from 
Belgrade, has been renamed Ili Street. On the pavement 
in front of Schiller's store, Princip's footprints have been 
scooped out, to show exactly where he stood when he shot 
his two victims, and after the Second World War, a Princip 
Museum was founded in Sarajevo. Some years before this, 
a black marble tablet was unveiled over the door of Schil- 
ler's store, in the presence of Ilia's aged mother, and of 
other relatives of the assassins. The inscription, in gold 
letters, reads: "On this historic spot, Gavrilo Princip ini- 
tiated freedom on Saint Vims' Day, June 15/28, 1914." 


To interrupt the text of a historical narrative with fre- 
quent footnotes that list and discuss all the sources used 
in its preparation tends to weary the reader, if not distract 
his attention entirely. On the other hand, the reader o a 
factual account such as this has a right to know where 
the facts that he is asked to believe come from. Hence a 
list of principal sources is given below. The nonhistorian 
may want to do some further reading and checking, particu- 
larly when wondering whether he ought to accept some of 
the author's statements; and the specialist should have a 
reasonably clear idea, after examining these notes, of the 
research on which the present story of the Sarajevo plot 
is based. Books and articles, particularly after their first 
mention, are often referred to in abbreviated form; sub- 
titles have been given only where they add some significant 
piece of information. 

PROLOGUE: Sarajevo, June 28, 1914 
See the notes for Chapter XI. 



CHAPTER i: Franz Ferdinand 

The best biography of Franz Ferdinand is Rudolf Kiszling, 
Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand von Osterretch-Este (Graz, 1953). 
The Archduke's eldest son, Duke Maximilian von Hohenberg, 
put many of his father's letters at the author's disposal; beside, 
Kiszling was given access to files in the Vienna archives at 
both the Verwaltungsarchiv and the Hau$-> Ho/-, und Staats- 
archiv which are not yet open to general research. His book, 
while containing no major political revelations, gives the reader 
a picture of Franz Ferdinand that is balanced, understanding, 
and detailed. 

Earlier biographies that should be consulted also are: Ed- 
mund von Glaise-Horstenau, "Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand," 
Neue Qsterreichische Biographic 1815-1918, III (Vienna, 
1956), pp. 9-33; Theodor von Sosnosky, Franz Ferdinand 
(Munich, 1929); Leopold von Chlumecky, Erzherzog Franz 
Ferdinands Wirken und Wollen (Berlin, 1929); Paul Nikitsch- 
Boulles, For dem Sturm (Berlin, 1925); and Victor Eisen- 
menger, Archduke Francis Ferdinand (London, 1931). Glaise- 
Horstenau's brief biographical sketch is factual, revealing, and 
fair. Sosnosky is admittedly prejudiced in favor of his subject, 
being convinced that Franz Ferdinand was the only person who 
could have saved the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, but his book 
contains some valuable family documents. Chlumecky's objec- 
tivity is marred by his even stronger partisanship for the 
Archduke, but he, too, is able to cite some confidential docu- 
ments in the text. Nikitsch-Boulles was the Archduke's private 
secretary for several years. His account, while basically sympa- 
thetic, makes no attempt at hiding Franz Ferdinand's harsher 
qualities. Dr. Eisenmenger's book is "not a straight biography, 
but consists of the lightly written personal reminiscences of the 
Archduke's former personal physician. 

Two excellent summaries in English of Franz Ferdinand's 
life, career, and plans will be found in Sidney B. Fay, The 
Origins of the World War, II (New York, 1928), pp. 1-32; and 
Luigi Albertini, The Origins of the War of 1914, II (London, 
1953), pp. 1-18. Both Albertini and Fay, aside from being in- 

Sources 265 

dispensable works on their general subject, contain a great deal 
of original material on Franz Ferdinand and Sarajevo. A short 
biographical essay that is interesting primarily because of its 
author is Winston Churchill, "The Victim of Sarajevo," The 
Saturday Review f CLII (London, 1931), pp. 388-389. 

Personal recollections which mention Franz Ferdinand and 
his family in passing are Im Weltkriege (Berlin, 1919), by 
Count Ottokar Czernin, who became Austro-Hungarian For- 
eign Minister at the end of the World War; and Ein Leben fur 
Ungarn (Bonn, 1953), by Admiral Nicholas von Horthy, a 
former aide to Franz Joseph, and Regent of Hungary in the 
postwar period. (An English translation of Horthy's book en- 
titled Memoirs, appeared in London in 1956.) Franz Ferdi- 
nand's own description of his world tour, Tagebuch meiner 
Reise urn die Erde (2 vols., Vienna, 1895-96) is too carefully 
edited to be very revealing. 

One of the best accounts of Mayerling is that by Egon Caesar 
Conte Corti, Elisabeth (Salzburg, 1934), pp. 412-428, (trans- 
lated as Elizabeth, Empress of Austria [New Haven, 1936], pp. 
388-403.) and a summary of most of the rumors extant about 
the tragedy will be found in Ernest Cormons (the pseudonmym 
for an Austro-Hungarian official named Emanuel Urbas), 
Schicksale und Schatten (Salzburg, 1951), pp. 34-45- For a 
strange premonition which Rudolf seems to have had that not 
he but his cousin Franz Ferdinand would inherit the throne, 
see Count Hoyos' contemporary memorandum on Mayerling in 
Jean de Bourgoing, ed., Brief e Kaiser Franz Josephs an Frau 
Katharina Schratt (Vienna, 1949), p. 137. 

On Franz Ferdinand's illness and character, two authors 
should be consulted in addition to the biographies and recol- 
lections cited above. One, whose approach is friendly, is his 
military aide Carl Freiherr von Bardolff, Soldat im alien 
Gsterreich (Jena, 1938), and "Franz Ferdinand," Die Kriegs- 
schuldfrage (hereafter cited as KSF.), V (1927), pp. 599-608. 
(Published from 1923 to 1944, KSF. its subtitle varies, and its 
main title was changed to Berliner Monatshefte in 1929 is a 
journal that will be cited frequently here. Aided by a covert 
subsidy from the German Foreign Ministry, KSF. set itself the 


admitted task of disproving the Versailles allegation of Ger- 
many's war guilt But despite its obvious bias, KSF. yields 
much valuable and original material on Sarajevo, particularly 
in its translations of Serbo-Croatian articles not easily ac- 
cessible otherwise.) The other, which is much more critical, is 
Albert Freiherr von Margutti, Vom alien Kaiser (Leipzig and 
Vienna, 1921). Margutti was for many years aide to Emperor 
Franz Joseph. His memoirs, while always entertaining and 
gossipy, must be read with some caution, since some of the 
stories he tells fall short of being wholly reliable. Perhaps the 
most revealing single document is a character sketch written by 
a military associate of Franz Ferdinand's, Colonel Brosch, in 
1913 (it was so frank an evaluation that Brosch thought of 
burning it), which is printed in Chlumecky, pp. S54-3 6 *- For 
the Archduke's marriage, see the notes on the following chapter. 

CHAPTER n: Emperor and Nephew 

To see the story of both Franz Ferdinand's marriage and of 
his relationship with his uncle, the Emperor, in perspective, 
one must examine the literature on Franz Joseph as well as 
that on Franz Ferdinand. Oddly enough, there is no really 
satisfactory biography of the Emperor. Of the three existing 
full-length biographies, two Eugene Bagger, Francis Joseph 
(New York, 1928) and Karl Tschuppik, Franz Joseph I (Hel- 
lerau, 1928) are too superficial and unreliable to be of any 
real value. The third Joseph Redlich, Emperor Francis 
Joseph (New York, 1929) while very much superior to the 
other two, is perhaps the least successful work of an otherwise 
distinguished scholar. A more recent book, Ottokar Janatschek, 
The Emperor Franz Joseph (London, 1953) is almost pure 
fiction. The best account is a brief and sensitive sketch by 
Heinrich Hitter von Srbik, "Franz Joseph I," which appeared 
in the Historische Zeitschrift (hereafter cited as H.Z.) for 1931 
(CXLIV, pp. 509-526). 

Important memoirs and documents bearing on the conflict 
between Emperor and Archduke, and on the latter's marriage, 
are Czernin; Friedrich Funder, Vom Gestern ins Heute 
(Vienna, 1952); Nikitsch, Margutti, and Rudolf Sieghart, Die 

Sources 267 

letzten Jahrzehnte einer Grossmacht (Berlin, 1932), which con- 
tains the texts of some of Franz Ferdinand's desperate appeals 
for help to the Austrian Prime Minister during the height of 
the marriage crisis. Franz Joseph's letters to his friend Frau 
Katharina Schratt, edited by Bourgoing, yield disappointingly 

From an American point of view, Theodore Roosevelt's im- 
pressions during his visit to Vienna in 1910 are particularly 
entertaining and illuminating. He met Franz Joseph, with 
whom he spoke in French, and^he obviously loved Viennese so- 
ciety, although he noted that its world was "as remote from 
mine as if it had been in France before the Revolution"; Elting 
E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, VII 
(Cambridge, 1954), pp. 369-370. For some of the motives be- 
hind the German Emperor's friendly attitude toward Franz 
Ferdinand, see Bernhard Fiirst von Billow, Denkwurdigkeiten, 
I (Berlin, 1930), pp. 400-401 and 624-626. More official ma- 
terial can be found in Robert A. Kann, "Emperor William II 
and Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Their Correspondence," 
The American Historical Review, LVII (January 1952), pp. 

The newly married Archduke's letters about Sophie are cited 
from Sosnosky, pp. 34-43, where on pp. 34-35 there will also be 
found the text of his oath of renunciation. The story of his break 
with his younger brother Ferdinand Carl over the latter's mar- 
riage to a professor's daughter is told in Nikitsch, pp. 17-21. 
The evidence on whether Franz Ferdinand intended to observe 
the oath of renunciation is inconclusive. Nikitsch, p. 31, and 
Funder, pp. 495-496, think that he was just as happy to see his 
sons grow up as country gentlemen; on the other hand, 
Margutti, p. 141, and Albertini, II, pp. 2-3, make it clear how 
widely Sophie was suspected of intending to have the oath 
annulled after Franz Joseph's death. 

Judgments on Old Austria differ widely, of course. At one end 
of the scale, there is the concept of the Empire as a "Volkerker- 
ker" a veritable "dungeon of nations*' or, in the words of 
Mazzini, "a land of slavery, of inertia, of death; an anomaly in 
the nineteenth century; a mystery of immobility in the univer- 


sal movement of Europe/' At the other end, there is Sir Winston 
Churchill's anger, in The Gathering Storm (Boston, 1948), at 
the peacemakers of Paris for destroying a country that "had 
afforded a common life, with advantages in trade and security, 
to a large number of peoples. . . . There is not one of the peo- 
ples or provinces that constituted the Empire of the Habsburgs 
to whom gaining their independence has not brought the tor- 
tures which ancient poets and theologians had reserved for the 
damned." His comment seems to echo Prince Otto von Bis- 
marck's startling prophecy, made when the Chancellor success- 
fully opposed those who favored the destruction of the Austrian 
Empire after the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. "... I could 
imagine/' Bismarck recorded in his memoirs, "no future for 
the nations forming the Austrian monarchy that was acceptable 
to us, if the latter were destroyed by Hungarian and Slavic 
revolts, or if its independence was to be destroyed forever. What 
system was to take over in that part of Europe which up until 
now had been filled by the Austrian state from the Tyrol to the 
Bukovina? New formations in this region could only be of a 
permanently revolutionary nature/' 

This is not the place for an exhaustive bibliography on Aus- 
tria-Hungary. Among more recent books in English, A. J. P. 
Taylor, The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918, (New Edition, 
London, 1948), and the early sections of Gordon Shepherd, The 
Austrian Odyssey (London, 1957) make perhaps the best start- 
ing point; the reader will easily find his way from there. Taylor 
has an excellent selected bibliography, which is brought up to 
date by Shepherd's listing of books on the subject published 
since the end of the Second World War. One other title worth 
mentioning it seems to be listed in no bibliography is a great 
novelist's charming and nostalgic panegyric to Royal and Im- 
perial Austria: Robert Musil, Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften, 
I (Berlin, 1921), chapter 8, which has at long last been translated 
into English (by Eithne Wilkins and Ernst Kaiser), The Man 
Without Qualities (London, 1953). 

On Franz Ferdinand's political plans, the following are essen- 
tial: Fay, II, pp. 6-27; Bardolff, pp. 136-179; Kiszling, pp. 87- 
260 (this is revealing also for Franz Ferdinand's anti-Magyar 

Sources 269 

and other prejudices); Funder, pp. 505-507; Albertini, II, pp. 
7-! 8 (the broken pot quotation will be found on p. 16); Chlu- 
mecky, "Franz Ferdinands Aussenpolitik/' Berliner Monats- 
hefte (hereafter cited as BM.), XII (1934), pp. 455-466; an< i 
the pro-Serbian R. W. Seton-Watson, Sarajevo (London, n.d.), 
pp. 80-91. 

CHAPTER in: The Trip to Sarajevo 

The precise date of Potiorek's first invitation is in some doubt, 
as are his motives for extending it. The fullest account of the 
trip's genesis, based on voluminous notes taken at the time, will 
be found in the memoirs of the Chief of the Austro-Hungarian 
General Staff and close associate of Franz Ferdinand, Count 
Franz Conrad von Hotzendorf, Aus meiner Dienstzeit, III 
(Vienna, 1923), pp. 445-447* 622, 700, and 705. The chagrin 
which the manner of Franz Ferdinand's acceptance caused at 
court is recorded in Margutti, pp. 145-147. 

The definitive account of the annexation crisis and its origins 
is Bernadotte E. Schmitt, The Annexation of Bosnia 1908-1909 
(Cambridge, 1937). For a shorter summary, there is the excel- 
lent History of the Modern World by R. R. Palmer (New York, 
1954). Dore Ogrizek, La Yougoslavie (Paris, 1955) has a hand- 
somely illustrated description of the region involved, while the 
detailed maps in that classic among travel guides, Karl Baedeker, 
Austria-Hungary (Leipzig, 1911) are unsurpassed. Franz Fer- 
dinand's worried comment about the annexation is from Chlu- 
mecky, pp. 99-100. For similar thoughts expressed by other 
Austrians see Conrad, I, p. 174; Margutti, p. 27; and Nikitsch, 
pp. 119-120. A good account of Bosnia-Herzegovina's postan- 
nexation constitution, of the quality of Austrian administra- 
tion, and of conditions in general is that by Josef Brauner, 
"Bosnien und Herzegovina. Politik, Verwaltung und leitende 
Personen vor Kriegsausbruch," B. M., VII (1929), pp. 313-344* 
which should be compared with the revelant passages in Jozo 
Tomasevich, Peasants, Politics, and Economic Change in Yugo- 
slavia (Stanford, 1955). The connection between the region's 
economic ills and the Sarajevo plot is stressed in Wladyslaw 


Gluck, Sarajewo, Historja Zamachu Sarajewskiego (Cracow, 


A sympathetic description of the Greater Serbia movement 
and of the 1903 Revolution is that of Seton-Watson. A more 
balanced work, based on many Serbo-Croat sources generally 
inaccessible to the Western reader, is Wayne S. Vucinich, Serbia 
Between East and West, The Events of 1903-1908 (Stanford, 
1954). The best summaries in English of the Bosnian revolu- 
tionary movement and of Gacinovid's life and writings are in 
Fay and Seton-Watson, where suggestions for further reading 
will also be found. 

Several writers have claimed that Vienna received some more 
or less concrete warnings against the trip, but with the evidence 
so far available the truth of these claims is impossible to estab- 
lish. The following sources should be consulted on this subject, 
which is well summed up in Bernadotte E. Schmitt, "July 1914: 
Thirty Years After/' The Journal of Modern History (hereafter 
cited as JM.H.), XVI (1944), p. 173; Bardolff, p. 181; "Dr. 
Bilinski iiber das Attentat von Sarajevo/' Neue Freie Presse, 
No. 21479, Vienna, June 28, 1924; August Urbariski von 
Ostrymiecz, "Mein Beitrag zur Kriegsschuldfrage/' B.M., IV 
(1926), pp. 84-85, and the same author's "Conrad von Hotzen- 
dorf und die Reise des Thronfolgers nach Sarajevo/' ibid., VII 
(1929), p. 466; Funder, pp. 480-485; Maurice Muret, "L'At- 
tentat de Sarajevo," La Revue de Paris, LX (1932), p. 102; Anton 
R&ny-Berzencovich, "Die Wahrheit iiber Sarajevo/' Neues 
Wiener Tagblatt (hereafter cited as N.W.T.), October 3, 1925; 
Emil Seeliger, "Aus den Geheimakten des Sarajevoer Attentats," 
ibid., June 29, 1924; and I. A. 2ibert, Der Mord von Sarajevo 
und Tiszas Schuld an dem Weltkriege (Ljubljana, 1919). R&ny- 
Berzencovich and Seeliger are dubious sources, and 2ibert is 
a totally unreliable one. On the responsibility for the security 
arrangements see, in addition to the above, the letter from 
Bilinski to Potiorek of July 3, 1914, in the collection of Aus- 
trian diplomatic documents edited by Ludwig Bittner and 
others, Osterreich-Ungarns Aussenpolitik von der Bosnischen 
Krise 1908 bis zum Kriegsausbruch 1914 (hereafter cited as 

Sources 271 

<5.-C/.), VIII (Vienna, 1930), pp. 289-391; Albertini, II, pp. 111- 
115; Fay, II, pp. 48-49; and Seton-Watson, p. 107. 

On the subject of the Archduke's forebodings, real or alleged, 
see Czernin, p. 57; Funder, p. 498; Conrad, III, p. 700; Prince 
Ludwig Windischgraetz, Vom roten zum schwarzen Prinzen 
(Berlin, 1920), pp. 49-50 (this is another very dubious source); 
and also Joseph M. Baernreither, Fragments of a Political Diary 
(London, 1930), p. 158. The incident of BardolfFs call is told 
in Nikitsch, pp. 210-211. For the rumors as well as the facts 
about the Konopisht meeting with Emperor Wilhelm, see the 
summary in Fay, II, pp. 32-43; the personal recollections of 
Andreas Freiherr von Morsey, "Konopisht und Sarajevo; EM., 
XII (1934); the fanciful allegations by Henry Wickham Steed, 
Through Thirty Year, I (New York, 1924), p. 396-399 and 
by Jules Chopin (the pseudonym of Jules E. Pichon), Le Corn- 
plot de Sarajevo (Paris, 1918); and Minister von Trau tier's ver- 
sion of the actual events in Karl Kautsky, ed., Die Deutschen 
Dokumente zum Kriegausbruch 1914, 1 (New Edition, Berlin, 
19*7)* PP- 5-8. 

The principal unpublished documents from the Austrian 
Archives (the Osterreichisches Staatsarchiv at Vienna) bearing 
on Franz Ferdinand's and Sophie's trip to Bosnia are the travel 
program issued by the Archduke's Military Chancellery, of 
which 400 copies were printed for official distribution, and the 
report written after the event by the captain of the Viribus 
Vnitis: "Programm fur die Reise Seiner k. u. k. Hoheit des 
durchlauchtigsten Herrn Generalinspektors der gesamten 
bewaffneten Macht Erzherzogs Franz Ferdinand nach Bosnien 
und der Herzegovina vom 23. bis 30. Juni 1914;" and "Bericht 
S. M. S. 'Viribus unitis' vom i. Juli 1914 iiber Vorfallenheiten 
in der Zeit vom 23. Juni bis i. Juli 1914; Res. Nr. 382." A 
microfilm of these documents and of all other material from 
the Austrian Archives here cited most of which comes from 
the Kriegsarchiv has been deposited in the Hoover Institu- 
tion on War, Revolution, and Peace at Stanford. 

The principal published sources on the trip and its incidents 
are: Nikitsch, pp. 509-213; Morsey, B.M., XII, pp. 490-491; 
Paul Hoger, "Erinnerungen an die Todesfahrt," Osterreichische 


Wehrzeitung, No. 26, June 27, 1924; "E>er Reiseweg des 
Erzherzogs Franz Ferdinand nach Bosnien und die Wege der 
Attentater von Belgrad nach Sarajevo/' KSF., V (1927), pp. 226- 
230 (which has a good map, as does Fay, II, p. 47); Conrad, IV, 
p. 13; and Kiszling, pp. 291-292. Of considerable value for 
details and local color are contemporary press reports, particu- 
larly those of the Sarajevoer Tagblatt (the speech of the Mayor 
of Mostar has been translated from the issue of June 26, 1914). 

CHAPTER iv: The Conspirators 

Fay, II, pp. 76-85 has an excellent summary of the Narodna 
Odbrana's activities. One of his most useful sources is a book 
which/while written to plead the Serbian case, inadvertently 
revealed far more than the author intended: Stanoje Stanojevii, 
Ubistvo Austriskog Prestolonaslednika Ferdinanda (Belgrade, 
1923); German translation by Hermann Wendel, Die Ermor- 
dung des Erzherzogs Franz Ferdinand (Frankfurt, 1923). 

The indispensable primary source on the Black Hand is the 
transcript of the trial of Dimitrijevte and associates at Salonica 
in 1917, which is described in chapter XIX: Tajna Prevratna 
Organizatsija (Salonica, 1918). This is as strange a document 
as any. It is a garbled and censored record: most of the pro- 
ceedings are paraphrased rather than quoted in full, and the 
evidence bearing on the Black Hand's foreign activities has 
been deleted. Published by the Serbian Government in an effort 
to destroy Dimitrijevi's reputation, it was withdrawn when it 
became apparent how much incriminating material the record 
still contained and today is a bibliographical rarity. A German 
translation was published in 1933 (Der Saloniki Prozess, edited 
by Professor Hans Uebersberger); but no English translation 
has ever appeared. When supplemented by a number of postwar 
revelations, it is possible to reconstruct many of those Black 
Hand secrets which the faithful member was supposed to take 
into the grave with him. 

The most important of these sources whose reliability is 
often less than certain, and whose facts need constant checking 
are the following books and articles by Milo Bogievi& Le 
Proces de Salonique Juin 191? (Paris, 1927); Le Colonel 

Sources 273 

Dragutin Dimitrijevid (Paris, 1928); "Die serbische Gesellschaft 
'Vereinigung oder Tod/ genannt die 'Schwarze Hand/ " KSF., 
IV (1926), pp. 664-676; and "Mord und Justizmord," Siid- 
deutsche Monatshefte, XXVI (1929), pp. 331-369, a summary 
of Le Proces and Le Colonel. (Bogi&vid, a Serbian diplomat 
before 1914, chose to become an migr after the war, publish- 
ing a great deal of pro-Dimitrijevid and anti-Pasi literature, in 
which the facts are not always easy to separate from liberal 
amounts of rumor and conjecture. The spelling of his name 
differs in various publications). Further sources are: Stanojevid; 
[Cedomir A. Popovi], "Das Sarajevoer Attentat und die Organ- 
ization 'Vereinigung oder Tod;' " BM., X (1932), pp. 1097- 
1121 (an attempted exoneration of the Black Hand, this is a 
translation of the major portion of an article which originally 
appeared in the Zagreb Nova Evropa); Henry Pozzi, Black Hand 
Over Europe (London, 1935); the reader had best be very skepti- 
cal here, for Pozzfs reliability is next to impossible to assess); 
and Dobrovoi R. Lazarevid, Die Schwarze Hand (Lausanne, 
1917); wildly prejudiced against Pasid and the Black Hand, 
Lazarevid makes perhaps the most questionable of all the wit- 
nesses listed here). 

There are English translations of some key documents in 
Edith M. Durham, The Sarajevo Crime (London, 1925). This 
is a book whose value is marred by its extreme anti-Serbian 
bias. An outstanding recent account, based on all the available 
sources and on interviews with Black Hand survivors, will be 
found in Albertini, II, pp. 25-35, which has the additional 
attraction to the reader unfamiliar with Italian of offering some 
extensive quotations from Luciano Magrini, II Dramma di 
Saraiewo (Milan, 1929). 

Most of the titles cited above should also be consulted for the 
facts of Apis* career and for the genesis of the plot. In addition, 
Vucinich, pp. 47-51, has an excellent description of Apis' role 
in 1903, which has been followed here. The same author is 
planning a review article on recent Serbo-Croat publications 
on Dimitrijevid, which is to appear in the Journal of Modern 
History. The difficulties of arriving at the truth about the ori- 
gins of the assassination are compounded by the fact that the 


few surviving plotters who could be persuaded to talk about the 
subject usually did so only years afterwards, and that the youths 
who were arrested and tried by the Austrians in 1914 deliber- 
ately and quite legitimately lied in order to obscure the role 
played by their associates in Belgrade. 

For Apis* confession, see Stoyan Gavrilovi, "New Evidence 
on the Sarajevo Assassination," and Bernadotte E. Schmitt, 
"Comment," J.M.H., XXVII (1955), pp. 410-414. The story of 
Ilid's trip has been told by Colonel Popovi<5 to Albertini (II, 
p. 79). On the Toulouse meeting, and on Mehmedba5i's fiasco, 
see ibid., pp. 78-79; as well as Milos Bogidevii, "Nouvelles 
depositions concernant Fattentat de Sarajevo/' KSF., IV (1926), 
pp. 21-28. The Italian friend to whom Pasi revealed his fears 
about Franz Ferdinand was Count Carlo Sforza, Italy's Foreign 
Minister after both the First and Second World Wars. It is 
recorded in his Makers of Modern Europe (Indianapolis, n. d.)j 
p. 50. For Apis' contacts with the Russian military attach^, see 
J.M.H., XXVII, pp. 410-414; Albertini, II. 81-86; Milos 
Bogicevi<*, "Weitere Einzelheiten iiber das Attentat von Sara- 
jevo/' B. M., Ill (1925), pp. 15-21 and 437-444; and Victor M. 
Artamonov, "Erinnerungen an meine Militarattach&zeit in 
Belgrade/' ibid., XVI (1938), pp. 583-602. Perhaps the most 
intriguing of recent theories about Apis' motives as that set 
forth by A. J. P. Taylor in "Murder at Sarajevo," The Observer, 
November 16, 1958. Apis, the distinguished British historian 
maintains, was guided entirely by domestic considerations, and 
Sarajevo was to be nothing but a tactical move in his power 
struggle with Pasid In the absence of any supporting evidence, 
and in the face of some definite misstatements (such as the claim 
that no precautionary arrests at all were made in Sarajevo in 
June, 1914, or that the news of Franz Ferdinand's visit had not 
yet appeared in the press when Princip said it had, and that he 
therefore must have received the information from Dimitri- 
jevi^) Taylor's theory, while novel, remains pure conjecture. 

CHAPTER v: The Preparations 

By far the major source here is the transcript of the trial of 
Franz Ferdinand's murderers held at Sarajevo. There are three 

Sources 275 

versions of the trial record. The first to appear was a German 
edition, Der Prozess gegen die Attentdter von Sarajevo, Nach 
dem amtlichen Stenogramm der Gericthsverhandlung akten- 
massig dargestellt (Berlin, 1918), edited by "Professor Pharos/' 
a pseudonym, for the Jesuit Father Puntigam. This is a dis- 
graceful piece of work. There are frequent deletions in the text, 
with no editorial indication that such deletions have been 
made; elsewhere, different statements have been made; else- 
where, different statements have been combined into one or 
paraphrased, again without any open acknowledgment that 
the original text has been tampered with. A vastly better edi- 
tion is the French one: Albert Mousset, ed., Un Drame histor- 
ique, Uattentat de Sarajevo, documents inedits et texte integral 
des stenogrammes du proces (Editions Payot, Paris, 1930). 
Here, too, one can not be sure that the text always repro- 
duces precisely what was said in court, although Mousset claims 
to be offering a straight translation of the daily shorthand 
reports of the trial sent from Sarajevo to Vienna. It is a far more 
reliable source than Pharos, however. More recently there ap- 
peared a Croatian version of the record which is also superior 
to Pharos: Vojislav Bogi^evid, Sarajevski Atentat, Izvorne Sten- 
ografske Biljeske Sa Glavne Rasprave Protiv Gavrila Principa 
i Drugova, Odrzane u Sarajevu 1914 G (Sarajevo, 1954), which 
claims to be more accurate than either Pharos or Mousset. That 
the claim is true in the case of Pharos is evident; whether it is 
so in that of Mousset is open to doubt. An English translation 
of Bogi(^evi(5 is being planned; it is to be hoped that it will ap- 
pear before too long. All quotations here are from Mousset. 

Next in importance to the trial record are the interrogation 
reports of which sometimes several a day were sent from Sara- 
jevo to Vienna during the police investigation of the crime. 
Practically all of these are printed in the Austrian diplomatic 
documents, O.-U. f VIII; only one or two others will be found 
in the Austrian Archives. Needless to say, what was said at the 
trial must be read skeptically. (Many writers, for example, have 
followed the story told by Princip and Cabrinovid that they 
resolved to kill Franz Ferdinand only after receiving a mysteri- 


cms press clipping from Bosnia, an explanation which does not 
ring true, and which therefore has not been emphasized here.) 
If evaluated critically, however, the court record will yield a 
very great deal of information. 

On the biographies of the major participants, on the Belgrade 
preparations, and on the assassins' trip, the trial transcript and 
interrogation reports are again indispensable, and only a few 
additional details can be obtained from the following (in addi- 
tion to Albertini, Fay, and Seton-Watson): For the Belgrade 
atmosphere, and for the actual preparations: Borivoje Jevtid, 
Sarajevski Atentat, Sedanja i Utisd (Sarajevo, 1924), this has 
been partly translated into German, but not into English, under 
the title "Weitere Ausschnitte zum Attentat von Sarajevo," 
KSF ., Ill, pp. 657-686); Stanojevte; and Ljuba Jovanovid, The 
Murder of Sarajevo (London, 1925). On the biography of Tank- 
osi6 Stanojevid On that of Princip, three books of doubtful 
reliability: Jose Almira and Giv. Stoyan, Le declic de Sarajevo 
(Paris, 1927; this is a strongly anti-Austrian account "Its 
[Bosnia's] schools were closed, after the occupation, to become 
prisons or barracks" which tries to compensate for its lack of 
facts by a false lyricism [Princip arrived in Sarajevo] "with a 
heart that was entirely open and pure and a soul that was as 
white and chaste as the snow of his mountains;" Gza Herczeg, 
Von Sarajevo bis Lodz (Munich, 1916); the report of a Hun- 
garian journalist who went to Belgrade a few days after the 
crime to retrace Princip's steps; his accuracy is questionable, but 
the book is worth looking at: Gavrilo Princips Bekenntnisse 
(Vienna, 1926; prison conversations with one Dr. Pappenheim; 
vague and unrevealing); and the document reproduced in Milos 
Bogi<fevi4 Die Auswartige Politik Serbiens 1903-1914, II 
(Berlin, 1929), pp. 525-526. On the question of whether 
Ciganovid was Paste's agent: Fay, II, p. 90, and Vaso Trivano- 
vi<5, "The Responsibility for the Sarajevo Assassination," Cur- 
rent History, XXIX (1929), pp. 987-992. For a picture of the 
bombs, and a description of the manner in which they worked: 
K. u. k. AZD., Sarajevo, to Ministry of War, July 13, 1914, in 
the Austrian Archives. 

Sources 277 


Since Serbia, alone among the powers, has never opened its 
diplomatic archives, many of the details about the warning to 
Austria must remain conjectural. The disclosure that Pa5i 
possessed advance information about the plot, and made a futile 
attempt to stop the assassination, was first made in 1924, in an 
article written by Ljuba Jovanovid, who in 1914 had been Minis- 
ter of Education in Pasi<5's Cabinet. (Jovanovi, Sarajevo, p. 3.) 
The Yugoslav press, realizing the disastrous implications of 
Jovanovi's admissions, violently attacked his article, and it is 
possible that his indiscretion cost him the premiership that 
year. In 1926, after a good deal of impatient prompting by those 
of his partisans who had been maintaining official Serbia's 
total ignorance of Sarajevo, Pasid publicly denied Jovanovid's 
charges, and assailed his former cabinet colleague for his "un- 
pardonable conduct." 

Jovanovi<5, expelled from his party, and his political career 
ended, refused to withdraw his story. All he would grant was 
that PaSi had made his statement not in a cabinet meeting, but 
in the course of a private conversation. If the Prime Minister 
and the Foreign Minister, he added, would take the respon- 
sibility for his doing so, he would submit documentary proof 
of his original assertion. Both refused. (See Albertini, II, pp. 
93-94; and Seton-Watson, pp. 153-59.) Even so, to reiterate the 
point, the evidence on the whole subject of the Serbian warning 
is far from conclusive. The most that can be claimed for the 
version of it given in this chapter is that having considered all 
the fragmentary evidence that is available, it seemed plausible 
to the present author. What cannot be claimed for it is that it 
is based on incontrovertible fact. 

Of the Serbian envoy's luckless interview with Bilinski, only 
one version has been told. It is that of Jovanovid; Bilinski, in 
his memoirs, made no mention of the episode. Jovan Jovanovi<5, 
"Meine Warnung an den Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand," N.W.T., 
June 28, 1924, pp. 3-4. For additional evidence, and for the 
whole bitter argument on the question of PaSid's foreknowledge 
and of Jovanovid's warning, which for all its violent allegations 


and counterallegations in the end produced little or nothing 
that was not contained in Jovan and Ljuba Jovanovic's original 
disclosures, see the following: 

The opposing testimony given by Roderich Gooss and 
Hermann Wendel before the Reichstag committee investiga- 
ting the causes of the war in Die Vorgeschichte des Weltkrieges, 
X (Berlin, 1930); Alfred von Wegerer, "Neue Ausschnitte zum 
Attentat von Sarajevo/' KSF., IV (1926), pp. 400-414, "Die 
serbische Warming," ibid., VIII (1930), pp. 539-546* "Die 
Erinnerungen des Dr. Velizar Jankovi," ibid., IX (1931), pp. 
851-869, and "Der ehemalige serbische Kriegsminister liber 
den Ausbruch des Weltkrieges/' ibid., IX, pp. 990-998; as well 
as these notes and articles in the same journal: I, pp. 82-83, 
II, p. 282, III, pp. 213-220, 270, and 286, VIII, pp. 324-329; 
Albertini, II, pp. 89-109; Fay, II, pp. 61-74 and 152-166; 
Seton-Watson, pp. 152-159; Bilinski, Friedrich von Wiesner, 
"Der Sarajevoer Mord und die Kriegsschuldfrage," Das Neue 
Reich, VI (1924), pp. 969-976; Pierre Renouvin, The Im- 
mediate Origins of the War (New Haven, 1928); pp. 28-29; 
Harold Temperley, "The Coming of the War/' Foreign Affairs, 
IX (1931), pp. 330-331; Documents diplomatiques fran^ais 
(hereafter cited as D.D.F.), Third Series, X (Paris, 1936), No. 
466 (this is a key document, since it records a statement made 
by the Serbian Minister in Paris, in July, 1914, to the effect that 
the Austrians had been warned by Serbia about the Sarajevo 
plot. If true, Pasic obviously must have had that foreknowledge 
which he later denied); O.~-U. y VIII, pp. 219-220 and 2 2 on.; 
Leopold Mandl, "Zur Warnung Serbians an Osterreich," KSF., 
II (1924), pp. 108-111; [Flandrak], "Die falsche Deutung der 
Bilinskischen Warnung durch Senator de Jouvenel," ibid., VI 
(1928), pp. 1152-1154; Milos Bogievi, "Die Warnung vor dem 
Attentate in Sarajevo," ibid., II (1924), pp. 231-238; and 
"Weitere;" and [Edmund von Glaise-Horstenau], "Der Thron- 
folgermord im Lichte der heutigen Geschichtskenntnis," 
N.W.T., June 29, 1924, pp. 2-3. 

For a brief biography of Paste, see Heinz Sasse, "Staatsmanner 
und Diplomaten der Vorkriegszeit, Nicola Paste," BM.> XVI 

Sources 279 

(1936), pp. 23-42. Count Carlo Sforza, Fifty Years of War and 
Diplomacy in the Balkans, Pashich and the Union of the Yugo- 
slavs (New York, 1940), is a disappointing book. 

For the meeting of the Black Hand's Central Committee, and 
for Apis* unkept promise, see Stanojevid, p. 56; Alfred von 
Wegerer, Der Ausbruch des Weltkrieges 1914, I (Hamburg, 
*939)> PP- 96-97; and "R.D.L 5 Nr. 9," BM., XII (1934), p. 
507; andPopovid, pp. 114-115. 

CHAPTER vii : Crossing the Drina 

This chapter is based almost entirely on the transcript of the 
Sarajevo trial (Mousset and Bogitevi<^). On the topography of 
the region, and on the number of Austrian frontier guards, 
compare Ludwig Schnagl, "War der Grenziibertritt? . . .," B.M., 
XIII (1934), 957-965, with the translation of Vogislav Bogi- 
cevi^'s Nova Evropa article, ibid., pp. 990-991. The letter from 
Captain Prvanovi<5 which opens the chapter was captured by 
Hungarian troops which occupied Mali Zvornik in August, 
1914. It is printed in Wiesner, "Die Schuld der serbischen 
Regierung am Mord von Sarajevo/' KSF., VI (1928), pp. 334- 


All quotations from the trial follow the transcript, of course. 
Conversations that took place during the assassins' trip are 
placed in quotation marks only if this is the way they appear 
in the transcript or in the account of some other reliable wit- 
ness; conversations that are paraphrased in the sources also are 
paraphrased in this narrative. In other words: the temptation 
to make people say what they might have said, but did not as 
far as we know in fact say, has been resisted; neither here nor 
in any other part of this book are there any imaginary conversa- 
tions. Admittedly, even the literal quotations of the sources 
are subject to some doubt, of course, since no unseen companion 
took any shorthand notes of what Princip said to Grbi on 
Isakovid Island for example, and the exchanges quoted in court 
are plainly reconstructions made some four months after the 
event. To quote as Princip's words what he himself so quoted 
seemed justifiable, however, quite aside from the monotony 


that would have been produced by a dramatic narrative in 
which none of the protagonists is ever allowed to speak for 

CHAPTER vni: Waiting 

Here, too, the principal source is the trial transcript and, to a 
lesser extent, the interrogation reports in O.U., VIII. The story 
of the correspondence between the conspiracy's one Moslem 
member and Gacinovic was told by Mehemedbasid himself to 
Albertini (II, pp. 78-79). For an illustrated description of 
Ilic's house and of the room in which Princip stayed, see Rend 
Pelletier, "Les Souvenirs du drame chez la m&re du regicide," 
L' Illustration, CLXXXVIII (1934), pp. 434-437- The best 
account of the waiting period aside, again, from the facts 
uncovered at the trial is that of Jevti, from which Princip's 
"matchbox" quotation has been taken. 

CHAPTER ix: Maneuvers 

The story of the archducal couple's surprise visit to Sarajevo has 
largely been reconstructed from contemporary press accounts. 
The date of the visit is definitely June 25, not June 26, as 
assumed by some writers. (See Fay, II, p. 51; 6.-U., VIII, p. 
216; and KSF.; V, pp. 226-227). The chance encounter between 
Princip and Franz Ferdinand on that occasion, and Cabrinovid's 
trip to Ilidze that same day, have been described by Jevtid. Also 
worth looking up in this connection are [Albert] T'serstevens, 
"tapes Yougoslaves, II, De Raguse Sarajevo," Revue des 
Deux Mondes, XLIII (1938), pp. 127-148, which is a question- 
able source; and Albert Mousset, "L'Attentat de Sarajevo," 
Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, XXXIX (1925), pp. 44-68, 
which is more solidly based on ascertainable fact. 

Estimates on the number of troops taking part in the maneu- 
vers differ wildly, with one Serbian writer setting it as high as 
250,000 (see B.M., IX, p. 854; for a wrong Austrian estimate, 
see Urbaiiski, "Conrad," p. 469). The sources mainly relied on 
here are the printed instructions issued by Potiorek's office in 
the Austrian Archives, "K. u. k. Armeeinspektor in Sarajevo, 
Nr. 3000 von 1914, Detailbestimmungen fur die grosseren 

Sources 281 

Manover in Bosnien-Herzegovina 1914 und Anordnungea der 
Manoverleitung"; and the following books and articles: 
Conrad, VI; Ludwig Schnagl, "Die Manover in Bosnien im 
Jahre 1914," KSF., IV (1928), pp. 873-881; "Reiseweg"; and 
Hoger. The story about the peddler comes from the Vienna 
Reichspost (which had sent its own special correspondent to 
Bosnia), No. 296, June 28, 1914; that about the court photog- 
rapher from Schnagl, p. 879. Franz Ferdinand's directive to the 
troops is printed in Bardolff, pp. 181-182; the passage from the 
telegram to the Emperor of June 27 is taken from the copy in 
the Austrian Archives (No. 170/168). 

For Sophie's trips into Sarajevo, and for the details of the 
farewell dinner at Ildze, see T'Serstevens, "fitapes;" and 
Morsey, "Konopischt." Funder, p. 484, has a report of the con- 
versation between Sophie and Sunarid 

Morsey, p. 491; Bardolff, p. 182; and Nikitsch, pp. 214-215 
agree on how close the June 28 visit came to being cancelled. 
The program for the day is that from the Austrian Archives 
which was mentioned in the notes on chapter IV. 

On the matter of Ilia's alleged trip to Belgrade, see the deposi- 
tions by Bastai and Golubid in Bogievi6, "Nouvelles dposi- 
tions," pp. 27-28. The other preparations have been recon- 
structed from the trial record, and from the story Mehmed- 
bai<5 told to Albertini (II, 49). Jevtid (pp. 34-35) is the wit- 
ness for Princip's last party; a later description of Semiz' wine 
shop is that of T'Serstevens, "tapes." 

CHAPTER x: Cabrinovi<5 

The sources for the events surrounding the departure from 
Ilidze and the arrival in Sarajevo aside from the program in 
the Austrian Archives, from contemporary press accounts, and 
from the trial record are: Hoger; Nikitsch; Morsey, "Kono- 
pischt," and "Der Schicksalstag von Sarajevo, Nach eigenen 
Tagebuchaufzeichmmgen," Reichspost^ No. 177, June 28, 1924, 
pp. 1-3; Chlumecky; and Conrad, IV. Of lesser value are two 
tendentious accounts, one pro-Austrian, the other pro-Serb: 
Sarajevo, La Conspiration Serbe centre la monarchic Austro- 


Hongroise (Berne, 1917); and Raymond Recouly, Les Heures 
tragiques d'avant guerre (Paris, n.d.). 

Auffenberg-Komar6w, Aus Osterreichs Hohe und Niedergang 
(Munich, 1921), pp. iSS-^; Baron Carl Collas, "Auf den 
bosnischen Spuren der Kriegsschuldigen," KSF., V (1927), p. 
22; Funder, pp. 445-446; and Rmy-Berzencovich, pp. 2-3, 
describe the security measures taken in 1910. An idea of how 
General Potiorek had himself guarded during major public 
appearances can be gleaned from Nikola Stojanovi, Le Serbie 
d'hier et de demain (Paris, 1917), p- 108. The most significant 
unpublished document on the number of troops in Sarajevo on 
June 28, 1914, is the report which General von Appel sent to 
the War Ministry in Vienna on July 17, 1914, which is at 
variance with the General's undated letter printed in 
Chlumecky, p. 363. ("K. u. k. 15. Korpskommando an das 
k. u. k. Kriegsministerium, Pras. Nr. 2535" in the Austrian 
Archives.) For published material on the 1914 security arrange- 
ments, see, in addition to the 1910 sources, Sosnosky, p. 207; 
Conrad, IV, pp. 65-66; Schnagl, BM., XII, p. 9% Seton- 
Watson, pp. 112-114; Mousset, Drame, pp. 491-493; M. N. 
Pokrowski, ed., Die internationalen Beziehungen im Zeitalter 
des Imperialism. (the official collection of Russian diplomatic 
documents, hereafter cited as /..), Series I, vol. IV (Berlin, 
1932), p. 123; and Albertini, II, pp. 1 1 1-1 15. 

The account of Cabrinovi's crime and arrest, and of the 
actions or, more accurately, the inaction of his associates 
on Franz Ferdinand's way to the City Hall has been recon- 
structed almost entirely from the trial record. Additional 
sources are the interrogation reports in (3.-Z7., VIII; the testi- 
mony given by Mehmedbasi and Cubrilovi to Albertini, II, 
pp. 46-49; the affidavits from Bernstein, Morsey, and Harrach 
in Sosnosky, pp. 215-221; Colonel Bardolff's report in Conrad, 
IV, pp, 19-20; the description by General Appel in Chlumecky, 
pp. 363-364; Wiesner, "War Nedj^ljko Cabrinovi [sic] ein 
osteireichischer Konfident?" KSF. f V (1927), p. 884; Seton- 
Watson, p. 114; Morsey, "Konopischt," pp. 492-494 and 
"Schicksalstag," p. 2; Recouly, p. 183; and various newspaper 
dispatches, particularly in The Times of London, and the 

Sources 283 

Neue Freie Presse (hereafter cited as N.F.P.) and Reichspost of 
Vienna, all of which had their own special correspondents in 

CHAPTER xi: Princip 

This chapter, too, is based mainly on the trial transcript. 
Additional details come from newspaper accounts, and from 
the reminiscences of the various participants that were men- 
tioned before, especially Morsey, Hoger, Nikitsch, Sosnosky, 
and Bardolff . 

Of considerable interest for the City Hall reception is the 
report which the Vice-Mayor of Sarajevo wired to the N.F.P. on 
the day of the murder, and which appeared in its issue of June 
29: Vancas, "Die Letzten Worte des Erzherzogs Franz Ferdi- 
nand/' The text of the Mayor's speech and of Franz Ferdinand's 
reply has been translated from the Reichspost of the same day 
(No. 298). For the City Hall discussion on the new route to be 
followed, Conrad, IV, pp. 20-21 should be consulted in addi- 
tion to the trial record. A supposed collection of eye-witnesses' 
statements which appeared ten years after the event, Leonhard 
Adelt, "Der Mord von Sarajevo," Berliner Tageblatt, June 28, 
19^4, is of questionable accuracy. Sophie's decision to stay with 
her husband is described in Morsey, "Konopischt"; her "No, 
Franz, I am staying with you," is from the story in the N.F.P. of 
June 29, 1914. 

On the crime itself, from Princip's choice of Schiller's to the 
death of his victims, only one major statement will not be 
found in the trial transcript. It is Princip's "I aimed at the 
Archduke . . ."; which is recalled in L[eo] Pfeffer, Istraga u 
Sarajevskom Atentatu (Zagreb, 1938), and translated in 
Albertini, II, p. 43. On the precise nature of Franz Ferdinand's 
and Sophie's wounds, Bogifevic*, pp. 427 and 437, contains some 
medical evidence omitted in Mousset, but otherwise, the key 
documents are the same in both versions of the transcript. The 
Jesuit Father Puntigam, who came to perform the last rites at 
the Konak, and "Professor Pharos," editor of the mutilated 
German edition of the trial record, are one and the same per- 


CHAPTER xii : Riots and Sympathy 

The most revealing unpublished document on the riots, and 
on the attitude of the Sarajevo authorities toward them, is 
General von Appel's long letter to the Vienna War Ministry of 
July 17, 1914 ("K. u. k. 15. Korpskommando an das k. u. k. 
Kriegsministerium, Pras. Nr. 2535," in the Austrian Archives). 
To round it out, the following published material should also 
be consulted: Bilinski's reports to Vienna in O.-U., VIII; 
Appel's letter to Brosch in Chlumecky, pp. 364-365; the diplo- 
matic dispatches in G. P. Gooch and Harold Temperley, ed., 
British Documents on the Origins of the War, 1898-1914 (here- 
after cited as B.D.), XI (London, 1926), p. 15, and I.B., IV, 
234, pp. 236-237; and the reports in the Arbeit er-Zeitung, 
N.F.P., and Reichspost of Vienna, and The Times of London. 
The proclamation announcing martial law is printed in the 
official Wiener Zeitung (Abendpost), June 30, 1914. The cor- 
respondence between Bilinski and Potiorek will be found in 
6.-U., VIII, pp. 227-231, 288-290; and in Conrad, IV, pp. 64- 
66. On the funds collected for a monument, see Reichspost, No. 
304, July 2, 1914; and Sarajevoer Tagblatt, particularly the 
issues of July 4 and 7. 

The source for Emperor Wilhelm's condolences is Kiszling, 
p. 303; for President Wilson's, Papers Relating to the Foreign 
Relations of the United States, 1914 (Washington, 1922), p. 25. 
International reaction to the news of the assassination can be 
judged most dispassionately from the diplomatic correspond- 
ence of time: Bogievi, A.P.S., I, pp. 424-425; B.D., XI, 
pp. 19-20, 28, 55-56, D.D.F., X, pp. 659-660, 662, 668, 673-679, 
684; I.B., IV, pp. 152-153; Kautsky, I, p. 16; 6.-U., VIII, pp. 
209-212, 218-219, 270-271, 292-293, 296-297, 321, 325-326, 361, 

The Mussolini comment is cited from Sosnosky, p. 224. Other 
editorial opinion is summarized in Albertini, II, 270-271. 
Jankovi<fs experiences have been recounted by himself (B JVL, 
IX, pp. 851-869) as were Jovanovi's (Murder, p. 8). Additional 
sources worth consulting, particularly for the repercussions in 

Sources 285 

Austria, are newspapers and the following memoirs: Bilinski, 
N.F.P.; pp. 9-10; Cormons, pp. 156-158; Funder, p. 485; 
Nikitsch, pp. 216-217; Redlich, Tagebuch, I, p. 235 (which 
contains the "God meant to be kind to Austria" quotation); 
Sieghart, pp. 242-243; Stanojevic", pp. 43-44; Windischgraetz, 
p. 50. Franz Joseph's alleged "A higher force" comment is 
recorded in Margutti, pp. 147-148. Its accuracy is questioned 
in Kiszling, p. 344, n. 18, and Sosnosky, p. 233 n. For a very 
different account of the Emperor's supposed first words ("Hor- 
rible, horrible! No sorrow is spared me") see the story in The 
New York Times of June 29, 1914. 

For the reception of the news in Hungary, where perhaps 
even fewer tears were shed than in Vienna, see the dispatch of 
the British Consul General in Budapest reporting "an espe- 
cially large attendance at the races" on June 29 (B.D., XI, pp. 
55-56) and the alleged comment of the Hungarian Prime Min- 
ister: "God has wanted it this way, and we must be grateful to 
God for everything 1 ' (Stanojevic", pp. 43-44). 

CHAPTER xni : A Strange Funeral 

There is a moving account of Franz Joseph's return to Schon- 
brunn in Margutti, p. 153, which is borne out to be the N.F.P* 
report of June 29, 1914, and by Conrad, IV, p. 32. Bardolff, p. 
183, and Conrad, IV, p. 37, quote the author's conversations 
with the Emperor. 

The date of the N.F.P. editorial criticizing the Sarajevo 
authorities is June 30, 1914. Tisza's blunt comment was made 
during a meeting of the Council of Ministers in Vienna on 
July 7 (O.-U., VIII, p. 347); Franz Joseph's kind words for 
Potiorek were recorded by Bilinski (ibid., p. 227). 

Unpublished documents in the Austrian Archives on the 
return of the bodies to Vienna, and on the whole, sad funeral 
farce, are General Paar's telegram to the War Ministry in 
Vienna of June 28, 1914; the "Bericht S. M. S. Viribus Unitis" 
Res. Nr. 382, of July i; the War Ministry's telegram to the 2. 
and 3. Korpskommando of July 2, 9:30 A.M.; the dispatch, Res. 
Nr. 848 M.A., sent by the Seebezirkskommando, Trieste, to the 


War Ministry on July 3; and, as the key document, Montenu- 
ovo's "Zeremoniell der Einholung, Exponierung, Einsegnung 
und Uberfuhrung der Leichen weiland Seiner kaiserlichen und 
koniglichen Hoheit des durchlauchtigsten Erzherzogs Franz 
Ferdinand von Osterreich-Este und Ihrer Hoheic Sophie 
Herzogin von Hohenberg," which was printed for official dis- 
tribution only, and which has been relied on heavily here. 
Published sources are the various memoirs and newspapers 
mentioned before. 

Good descriptions in English of the Hofburg chapel service 
are those of The New York Times of July 4, 1914, and of the 
British envoy in B.D., XI, p. 26. The angry witness who has 
recorded the Emperor's apparent indifference is Nikitsch, pp. 
219220. On the absence of foreign royalty, see Kautsky, I, pp. 
11-12 and 14; D.D.F., X, p. 652; O.-J7., VIII, pp. 312 and 336; 
Nikitsch, p. 221; Margutti, p, 151, and the Berliner Tageblatt 
of July 2, 1914. 

How the aristocracy broke into the cortege is told in 
Nikitsch, p. 220; Windischgraetz, pp. 51-52; D.D.F., X, pp. 
712-714; Kiszling, pp. 303-304; and Seton-Watson, p. 104. 
More details, as well as some pointed criticism, will be found 
in Fritz Fellner, ed., Das politische Tagebuch Josef Redlichs 
1908-1919, I (Graz, 1953), p. 236; and in the contemporary 
press, particularly the Arbeit er-Zeitung, N.F.P., and Reichspost, 
whose No. 310 of July 5 contains the editorial comparing Franz 
Ferdinand's funeral with that given to the airmen. The French 
writer commenting on Vienna's "tact, dignity, and kindness" 
is Muret, Revue de Paris,, LX, p. 115. Franz Joseph's letter to 
Montenuovo was published in the official Wiener Zeitung of 
July 7, 1914; the words "on the Emperor's orders" will be found 
on Montenuovo's handwritten instructions of June 30 ("Seiner 
k. und k. Apost. Majestat Obersthofmeisteramt") in the 
Austrian Archives. 

Concerning the trip from Vienna to Artstetten, the tragi- 
comedy at Pochlarn station, and the final funeral services, our 
best sources are Nikitsch, pp. 220-225; Eisenmenger, pp. 265- 
266; and the dispatches to the Reichspost. 

Sources 287 

CHAPTER xiv: The Investigation 

The detailed reports on the progress of the investigation 
which Potiorek sent to his superiors in Vienna as often as 
three times a day form the primary source for this chapter. 
Most of them are printed in O.-U.,, VIII. Since the published 
Austrian documents end with August i, 1914, however, there 
are some Important unpublished Potiorek reports in the 
Austrian Archives, notably on the arrest of Micic", Milovic, and 
Milosevic", on the capture of the Serbain border guard Grbic*, 
and on the strange scene between Princip and Cabrinovid on 
August 15. (Potiorek to Bilinski, August 11, 16, and 23, 1914. 
The critical reader may also be interested to know that a com- 
parison of the earlier documents In the archives with the ver- 
sions printed in O.-U. has shown no essential discrepancies 
between the two.) Additional facts on Ilic^s loss of nerve, and 
on the circumstances of Grabez's, Cubrilovid's, and Popovi's, 
arrest, can be found in the transcript of the Sarajevo trial. 
Judge Pfeffer's memoirs (unless otherwise noted the quotations 
cited here follow the translations in Albertini and In KSF., IV, 
p. 719) should be used with caution; his version of events 
frequently clashes with that of the reports written at the time. 
His press statement referred to was given to the Budapesti 
Hirlap of July 2, and is summed up in the Arbeiter-Zeitung of 
July 3, 1914. 

The story of how the defendants communicated secretly from 
cell to cell was first revealed by Jevtic" (pp. 54-56) and confirmed 
by Vaso Cubrilovid to Albertini (II, p. 59). For allegations of 
mistreatment in prison, and for a convincing refutation of 
these charges, see Rebecca West's overwrought Black Lamb and 
Grey Falcon, I (New York, 1941), p. 373; Mousset, pp. 175-176 
and 346, and the same author's article in Revue d'Histoire 
Diplomatique, XXXIX, 59; Pfeffer, Istraga, pp. 27, 50, 54~55? 
Jevtic", pp. 47-48; Seton-Watson, p. 150; Herczeg, p. 19; and 
Albertini, II, p. 45 n. How Mehmedbasid escaped into Monte- 
negro, and how the authorities there successfully frustrated his 
pursuers, is told in the Austrian diplomatic correspondence 
(6.-U., VIII, pp. 314, 392-393* 4H> 432, 45 1 * 475 5<>*> 5 8 - 


581, 709-710) and in the amusing dispatch of the French Mini- 
ster in Cetinje, M. Delaroche-Vernet, to Paris in D.D.F., X, 
pp. 766-767. 

CHAPTER xv: War 

The story o the investigation made by the Vienna Foreign 
Ministry's emissary has been told by Friedrich von Wiesner 
himself in several articles: most fully in "Meine Depesche vom 
13. Juli 1914," in Eduard von Steinitz, ed., Rings urn Sasonov 
(Berlin, 1928), but also in "Der Sarajevoer Mord," Das Neue 
Reich, VI, pp. 972-973, and "Die unwiderlegt gebliebene 
Begriindung fur das Ultimatum Osterreichs an Serbien vom 
Juli 1914;' KSF., V (1927), pp. 499-5 01 - The crucial telegram in 
which Wiesner summed up his conclusions is printed in O.-U., 
VIII, pp. 436-437; Potiorek's emphatic disagreement with 
Wiesner's findings in Conrad, IV, 82-85. 

[Alexander] Freiherr von Musulin, Das Haus am Ballplatz 
(Munich, 1924), pp. 222-223, and Cormons, pp. 165-166, have 
some details on how the Austrian ultimatum was drafted, and 
why its completion took so long. The ultimatum itself, and 
Vienna's instructions to Giesl, will be found in O.-U., VIII, pp. 
284-289, 515, 518-519, and 594-595- For the unusual circum- 
stances of its presentation, see ibid., p. 596; Steinitz, ed., Zwei 
Jahrzehnte im Nahen Orient, Aufzeichnungen des Generals 
der Kavallerie Baron Wladimir Giesl (Berlin, 1927), pp. 266- 
267; and Albertini, II, p. 285. 

For some of the reasons behind the startling absence of any 
reference to the Black Hand in the Austrian ultimatum, see 
Wiesner, "Depesche/ 1 in Steinitz, Rings, pp. 185-186, and "Das 
Gutachten von Gooss," B.M., X (1932), pp. 55 8 ~5 6 ; Liidwig 
Bittner, "Osterreich-Ungarn und Serbien," Historische Zeit- 
schrift, GXLIV (1931), pp. 91-92, and "Die Schwarze Hand/' 
BM. y X (1932), pp. 64-65; and Albertini, II, pp. 28 and 64- 
68. The information contained in the Austrian dossier sent 
to the powers after relations with Serbia were broken is no 
better; see 6.-U., VIII, pp. 665-704, and Wiesner, KSF., V, pp. 
503-542. The reference to ''occasional hints" about the Black 
Hand in the Austrian diplomatic documents is based on 6.-U., 

Sources 289 

VIII, pp. 84, 118-120, 282-284, 325, 30-331, 365, and 854. 
Why the Austrian Legation in Belgrade should have been so ill- 
informed about Apis' organization is difficult to explain (see, 
e.g., O.-U., VIII, pp. 232 and 317-318), even when proper al- 
lowances are made by citing the ignorance of other foreign 
missions, shown ir^ Johannes Lepsius and others, ed., Die 
Grosse Politik der Europdischen Kabinette 1811-1914 (here- 
after cited as G.F.), XXXVIII (Berlin, 1926), pp. 358-361; and 
D.D.F., 3rd series, X, pp. 333-335* 3 6 2~3% 495~497 535-~53 8 > 
565-567, 630-631, and 649-650. The contents of the folder 
"Secret Society, The Black Hand in Serbia/' are described in 
Bittner, B.M., X, pp. 55-61. 

There exists some evidence that the Belgrade government 
undertook, an investigation into the crime's origins after June 
28, although it never published the results, and never even 
admitted that such an inquiry had taken place. On this subject, 
see I.B., IV, p. 96; Herczeg, pp. 2127, and Jovan Jovanovid's 
letter to B.M., XIII (1935), p. 881. What connection if any 
there existed between such an investigation and Ciganovid's 
disappearance is not clear, however. 

For the Serbian reply to the Austrian ultimatum, and for 
some of the circumstances of its preparation and presentation, 
see 0.-Z7., VIII, 660-663; Wegerer, B.M., IX, pp. 860-864; Giesl, 
ibid., XI, pp. 466-467; Steinitz Zwei, p. 268; and Jovanovic", 
Murder, p. 7. Franz Joseph's "If the monarchy must perish 
. . ." is cited by the usually reliable Conrad (IV, p. 162). 

CHAPTER xvi: The Trial 

That the problem of the trial's political implications must 
have caused some serious thoughts in Vienna is indicated by 
an unpublished letter from Potiorek to Bilinski of September 
12, 1914, in the Austrian Archives. "The draft of the indict- 
ment for the trial of the plotters is nearly finished," wrote the 
Governor, "and before long, the question will have to be con- 
sidered and decided whether the main trial is to take place in 
a few weeks, or only after the end of the war. I am not in 
favor of postponing the trial/' An even plainer letter from 
the Foreign Minister, Count Berchtold, to Bilinski of October 


i, 1914 in Bruno Adler, Der Schuss in den Weltfrieden 
(Stuttgart, 1931), pp. 169-170 ordering a trial before the end 
o the war, and demanding a sentence "which should corre- 
spond to the vast international consequences of the crime" is 
of doubtful authenticity. 

Charges made by some writers that the trial was "strictly 
secret" (Wendel, p. 327) are strictly incorrect. A few spectators 
found admittance, and the trial proceedings were reported in 
the Austrian as well as in the neutral press. (See, for example, 
the Swiss Neue Zurcher Zeitung in addition to The New York 
Times dispatches mentioned in the text.) A comparison of the 
various press reports makes it appear as if one single agency, 
if not one single correspondent, supplied the entire coverage, 
however. The most detailed reports will be found in the offi- 
cial Wiener Zeitung. The rest of the press merely seems to have 
carried shorter versions of the same dispatches. 

The best explanations of the points of Bosnian law involved 
the paragraphs under which the defendants were tried are 
cited in their entirety is in Serajevo, la conspiration Serbe, 
pp. 151-154. The local press and Pharos have some colorful 
details about the setting of the trial, but all quotations are 
from Mousset, the French version of the trial transcript. The 
sole exception is Princip's "Do you think I am an animal" out- 
cry during the recess, which is from Pharos, p. 159. It is borne 
out by Feldbauer's later reference to it, which is a part of the 
official record (Mousset, p. 574). On the argument over Princip's 
birthdate, Bogievi4 Sar. At., pp. 423-424, has information con- 
tained in neither Pharos nor Mousset. 

The one real link that may actually have existed between the 
Masons and the Black Hand was mentioned by Apis and a 
codefendant of his at the 1917 Salonica trial; Ljuba Jovanovi6 
Cupa, one of the Black Hand's charter members, apparently 
was a Mason, and may have patterned such rites as the Black 
Hand's initiation ceremony after Masonic ritual. (Saloniki- 
Prozess, pp. 5 1, 68, and 201.) 

Examples of General Erich LudendorfFs bigoted nonsense 
can be found in his Vernichtung der Freimaurerei durch Ent- 
hullung ihrer Geheimnisse, II. Teil (Munich, 1928) and Wie 

Sources 291 

der Weltkrieg 1914 "gemacht" wurde (Munich, 1934). Milder 
English versions are Durham and C. H. Norman, "Grand 
Orient/' B.M., IX (1931), pp. 177-182. The Mercure de France 
article is L[eon] de Poncins, "I/Attentat de Sarajevo et la 
Franc-ma<:onnerie," M.dJF., CCXI (1929), pp. 121-131. It is 
convincingly answered in the same magazine by Mousset, in 
an article that is also entitled "L'Attentat de Sarajevo et la 
Franc-ma^onnerie," and in another article, signed "L.D.," 
"L'Attentat de Sarajevo et les Responsabilit<s de la Guerre," 
ibid., CCXI, pp. 733-736, and CCXIU, pp. 731-737. For the 
charges leveled against the Hungarians, see 2ibert, passim; 
Renouvin, pp. 15-16; Stojanovi, pp. 106-107; for innuendoes 
against the Austrians, Recouly, pp. 175-194; Steed, I, pp. 396- 
403; and Rebecca West, I, pp. 348-350. The reader has his 

Other superstitions are expounded in Eisenmenger, pp. 136- 
137; Muret, p. 119 (for the myth that Princip was Archduchess 
Stephanie's illegitimate son); and Aflbert] T'Serstevens, Tata, 
roman contemporain (Paris, 1929), which is mentioned in the 
text. This novel's fraudulent basis is explained in Poncins, 
"Une nouvelle version de Mayerling et de Serajevo," Mercure 
de France, CCXVII (1930), pp. 347-354, and in Basil Thomson's 
aptly named Queer People (London, n.d.), pp. 238-240. As a 
final curiosity, there is the story of Bishop L^nyi's dream during 
the night of June 27, 1914, in which the Archduke's former 
Hungarian language teacher claimed to have received a letter 
from his one-time pupil, informing him of "my and my wife's 
death today as victims of a political assassination/' (Adelt, p. 
2; and J5.M V IX, pp. 1 1 15-1 1 17.) 

CHAPTER xvn: The Penalty 

This chapter, too, is based almost entirely on the Mousset 
version of the trial record. Only two details are taken from 
other sources. How Cabrinovid wept, and how Princip re- 
mained calm as each made his final statement is described in 
the Sarajevoer Tagblatt of October 24, 1914; and a reproduc- 
tion of the telegram reporting the execution of the three con- 
demned men is shown in Bogievi, Sar. At., following p. 444. 


There is a more graphic account of the execution scene in Cor- 
nelius Zimka, Das Drama von Sarajevo (second edition, Leip- 
zig, 1915), pp. igS-iSg, but it lacks all substantiation. 

EPILOGUE: "On This Historic Spot . . ." 

Magrini and Albertini, II, contain some reliable information 
on the post-1914 fate of Tankosid as well as others among 
the plotters. Worth consulting on Ciganovi are Weisner, 
"Milan Ciganovit" KSF., V (1927), PP- 1041-1048, and the 
briefer notices in the same periodical, V, pp. 1036 and 1140. 

The indispensable source for the Salonica trial is the tran- 
script mentioned before (Tajna prevratna organizatsija). Com- 
ments on the motives behind it, and additional documents, will 
be found in Albertini, II, pp. 30-31; Bogi&vi<S, "Mord," and 
Proces de Salonique; Gabrilovici, J.M.H., XXVII; [Popovii,] 
BM., X, p. 1108; Svetozar Pribitdhdvitch [Pribi6m], La 
Dictature du Roi Alexandre (Paris, 193$); Schmitt, JM.H., 
XVI, 170, and XXVII, 413; [Seton-Watson,] "Serbia's Choice," 
The New Europe (London), VIII, pp. is 1-128; Hans Uebers- 
berger, "Das entscheidende Aktenstiick zur Kriegsschuldfrage 
1914," Auswartige Politik, X (1943), pp. 429~43 8 ; and Vucinich, 
p. 104. 

Apis' confession here is given in the Gavrilovid version just 
mentioned, which differs slightly from that of Uebersberger. 
The version of his last will and testament follows Bogievi, 
Proces, pp. 68-69, rather than text published in the Belgrade 
newspaper Politika of September 3, 1925, which is translated 
in BM., Ill, pp. 686-687. Also from Bogifevid (pp. 94-99) is 
Lieutenant Colonel Dabic's report on Dimitrijevid's execution. 
The retrial of Apis and the subsequent discussion in Yugo- 
slavia are summarized in Vucinich, p. 105. A major reason for 
retrying the case may have been the desire to bring discredit 
on the royal house. An English version of the record of the 
new trial, though promised, so far has not been released. See 
Taylor, The Observer, November 16, 1958, p. 5. 

On the later fate of Curinaldi and Zistler, see Albertini, H, 
pp. 47 and 59; on that of Pfeffer, KSF., IV, pp. 640-641, 661, 
and 718-719; on that of Grbid, Potiorek's dispatch to Vienna 

Sources 293 

of August 16, 1914, in the Austrian Archives. The sources for 
Bilinski's argument with Potiorek are &.-U., VIII, Conrad, IV, 
and Theodor Sosnosky, "Der Letzte Akt vor dein Weltkrieg/' 
Wiener Zeitung, January 6, 14, and 21, 1934 (which is based 
on the files of the Kriegsarchiv). Facts and rumors on the 
Governor's wartime role can be found in Glaise-Horstenau, 
"Feldzeugmeister Potiorek," EM., XII, pp. 144-148; C.R.M.F. 
Cruttwell, A History of the Great War 1914-1918 (Second Edi- 
tion, Oxford, 1936), pp. 53 and 90-92; and Margutti, pp. 423- 
426 and 430. In addition to Potiorek's dispatches to Vienna 
urging strong action against Serbia after the Sarajevo crime 
in O.-U., VIII, there is an unpublished telegram of a similar 
nature in the Austrian Archives, which while unsigned, clearly 
seems to have been written by the General. (Telegram to the 
War Ministry, Res. Nr. 4754, Received July 6, 1914.) The obitu- 
ary quoted is that of Glaise; the reference to his former antag- 
onist, Bilinski, comes from Sieghart, p. 29. For a translation of 
two Belgrade press reports about Pasid and his unpublished 
memoirs see KSF., V, pp. 174-175. 

On the death of Mitar Kerovi<5, Marko Perina, and Trifko 
GrabeS see Mousset, p. 676, and Seton-Watson, p. 121 n. The 
meeting between Cabrinovid and Franz Werfel is described in 
a story which first appeared in 1923, "Cabrinowitsch, Ein 
Tagebuch aus dem Jahre 1915," Erzahlungen aus zwei Welten, 
I (Stockholm, 1948), pp. 21-28. As a historical document, it is 
of questionable value, since WerfeFs mystic mind and mystic 
style blur all lines between fact and fiction. The meeting may 
also have inspired an early novel; see Annemarie von Putt- 
kamer, Franz Werfel (Wurzburg, 1952), pp. 16-18. 

On the conditions of Princip's imprisonment, no reliable 
evidence exists, and we must do with the doubtful material in 
Princips Bekenntnisse; Pharos, p. 165; and Nikitsch, pp. 226- 
227. His death certificate is reproduced in Bogidevi^, Sar. At., 
facing p. 445. Facts on Popovi, Cubrilovid, and MehmedbaSid 
can be found in Albertini, II, p. 47; B.M., X, p. 1098; West, 
New Statesman, XLVI1, p. 824; Rebecca West, II, p. 770; Seton- 
Watson, p. 149; Tomasevich, pp. 92-97, and 708; and T'Ser- 
Stevens, "tapes." 


For information concerning the postwar fate of some of the 
Sarajevo survivors, the author is greatly indebted to personal 
communications received from Professor Wayne Vucinich of 
Stanford University and from Professor Vojislav Bogievi of 
Sarajevo. An English visitor's recent report on Cubrilovi and 
Popovi is that of Richard West, "Martyr Princip," The New 
Statesman and Nation, XL VII (1954), p. 824. Some caution is 
indicated here; West never quite makes it clear whether or not 
he talked with the two men, and in one important reference he 
apparently confuses Vaso Cubrilovid with the politician Branko 
Cubrilovid The meeting with Franz Ferdinand's two sons in 
Duchau concentration camp is recounted in Funder, pp. 489- 

"The Serbs carry on a hero cult" was Professor Cubrilovi's 
comment on the many ways in which various groups were pay- 
ing homage to the assassins' memory in Yugoslavia (Albertini, 
II, p. 47 n.). How the assassins were reburied in Sarajevo is told 
in B.M., VIII, pp. 573~574> and Rebecca West, II, p. 380; how 
the memorial to the victims (for a photograph see Pharos, facing 
p. 165) was destroyed and the assassins were praised is told in 
Albertini, II, p. 47; KSF., VI, pp. 711-713, VIII, pp. 91, 434, 
574, 886, and XIII, p. 347; Mousset, Revue d'Histoire DipL, 
XXXIX, p. 61; Pelletier, L f Illustration, CLXXXVIII, p. 434; 
Seton-Watson, p. 159; and West, p. 854. Photographs of the 
memorial tablet for Princip erected in 1930, a translation of its 
inscription, and reports of the unveiling ceremony are to be 
found in BM., pp. 281, 284-285, 289; "La Commemoration 
d'un grand drame," L' Illustration, CLXXV, (1930), p. 217; "In 
Memory of an Assassin/' The Literary Digest, CIV (1930), p. 13; 
and Politika of February 3, 1930, which is translated in BM.> 
VIII, pp. 281-284. Perhaps the cruelest comment on it all 
was made by an old friend of the Austrian monarchy, Sir 
Winston Churchill, who wrote (in The Unknown War [New 
York, 1932], p. 54): "He [Princip] died in prison, and a monu- 
ment erected in recent years by his fellow countrymen records 
his infamy, and their own." 


Albert I, King of Belgium, 171 

Alexander, Prince Regent of Ser- 
bia, 49, 248, 249, 250 

Alexander, Obrenovic, King of 
Serbia, 44, 50, 51 

Anarchism. See Assassination 

Apis. See Dimitrijevi, Cbl. 

Appel, Gen. Michael von, 114, 
123-24, 146, 147-48 

Arbeit er Zeitung, 163 

Arnstein, Maj., 124, 142 

Artstetten, burial at, 168, 173, 
177, 178, 180, 181 

Artamonov, Col. Victor, 57, 208 

Assassination, 19, 3536, 37, 44, 
5 1 * 53 77 78; unsuccessful 
attempts at, 4, 36, 47, 50-51, 
53, 55, 92, 121-23 

Assassination of Franz Ferdinand, 
119, 136-37, 214, 230, 231, 
242, 243, 249; attempts to 
prevent, 71, 72, 7476, 77, 
224; first attempt at, 3-4, 
12123, 182, 183; investiga- 
tions of, 125, 137, 145, 182, 
183-86, 187, 192, 196, 197- 
98, 199 200-01, 204; plan- 
ning of, 54, 55-56, 57, 93, 
100, no ii, 112, 127; reac- 
tions to, 146-47, 148, 149, 
150, 151, 152-53, 154-56, 
*57> 15.8-59* 163-65, 199; 

reasons for, 28, 56-57, 64-65, 
66, 94; theories about, 226- 
29; Wiesner's report on, 200 
01; see also Assassins; Franz 
Ferdinand, Archduke 
Assassins, 3-4, 44-45, 51, 63-64, 
66-67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78, 
80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88- 

9<V93 94. 9 6 > 98, 99> no* 
111, 112, 114, 118, 260-61; 
arrest of, 12425, 13840, 
187-88, 189, 193; border 
crossing of, 68-69, 7' 78-83; 
confessions of, 18385, 186, 
187, 188, 189, 192, 193, 194 
96, 198, 21617, 22324, 225 
26; defense pleas for, 232-41; 
memorials to, 261; selection 
of, 59, 92-94, 95-96; sen- 
tences of, 243-45, 246, 257; 
trial of, 60, 61, 64, 65-66, 81, 
82, 83-84, 86, 9495, 120, 

126, 211, 212, 213-l6, 217- 

26, 241 43; see also dabrino- 
vic, Nedjelko; 6ubrilovi, 
Vaso; Grabez, Trifko; Meh- 
medbasi6, Muhamed; Prin- 
cip, Gavrilo 

Austro-Hungarian Empire, 25 
26, 27, 33, 35, 159; alliance 
with Germany of, 208-09; 
knowledge of Black Hand in, 
48, 117, 195, 204-05, 206; 




nationality problems in, 26, 
28, 56; Serbian reply to ulti- 
matum of, 207, 208; ulti- 
matum to Serbia of, 199, 202, 
203-04, 206-07; see also 

Bakunin, Mikhail A., 35-36 
Balkan Wars, 34, 49, 51, 53, 58, 

59, 68, 71, 113-14 
Bardolff, Col. Carl von, 37, 115, 

133, 141, 142, 162, 166 
Bayazid, 113 
Belgium, German invasion of, 

Berchtold, Count Leopold von, 

74' 77 
Berlin, Treaty of (1878), 31, 32, 

Bilinski, Dr. Leon von, 74, 75-77, 

150-51, 164, 258 

Bismarck, Prince Otto von, 31-32 
Black Hand, 35, 36, 44-49, 50, 

53' 54^ 55 5 8 ' 6> 6l > 6 * 66 > 
67, 71, 72, 74-75* 77-78, 90, 

9*' 95' *55* *94' *95 *9 6 ' 
197, 204-05, 206, 216, 217, 
224, 226, 231, 248, 249, 256, 
257; see also Dimitrijevid, 
CoL Dragutin 

Boos-Waldeck, Count 115, 123 

Bosnia-Herzegovina, 30-31, 34- 
35; annexation of, 32-34, 43, 
236-37; revolutionary in- 
trigues in, 35-36, 54, 55, 91, 
92; unrest in, 30, 34, 35, 36; 
see also Franz Ferdinand, 
Archduke, trip to Sarajevo 

Bulgaria, 31, 32, 34 

Burg, Herr. See Ferdinand Carl, 

Cabrinovic", Nedjelko, 3, 4, 59, 
60-62, 63-64, 65, 66, 67-68, 
69, 70, 72, 79, 80, 88-89, 90, 
95-96* 9%> 99 !3 

112, Il8, 119, 120, 121, 122, 
124-25, 126, 127, 129, 132, 

135' *3 6 ' *39' H 1 ' 142, H5' 
148, 150-51, 153, 158, 164, 
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 

189, 192, 194, 195, 198, 200, 
201, 211, 213, 214, 215, 2l8, 
221-22, 223, 224, 225, 226, 

227, 233-34' 241, 242, 243, 
244, 246, 260, 261 
Carl Franz Joseph, Archduke, 
161, 162, 168, 169, 173, 174, 

Carl Ludwig, Archduke, 5-6, 7, 8 
Christian Messenger, The t 226 
Ciganovi, Milan, 49, 67, 68, 71, 
77' l8 5' 194-95* X 9 6 ' 200-01, 
207, 208, 223, 224, 225, 227, 
247-48, 249 

Connought, Duke of, 171 
Conrad, Baron, 107, 162, 163, 165 
Conspiracy. See Assassination; 
Assassination of Franz Ferdi- 
nand; Black Hand; Mlada 
Bosna; Narodna Odbrana 
Cubrilovi, Vaso, 3, 93-96, 98, 
99, no, 118, 126, 136, 151, 
189, 190, 212, 217, 218, 231, 
233, 235, 238, 240, 241, 243, 
244, 261 

Cubrilovid, Veljko, 84, 85, 87, 88, 
94, 193, 212, 217, 218, 221, 
235' 237-38, 241, 244, 246 
Cruricid, Fehim Effendi, 4, 115, 

122, 129-3!' 135' !3 6 
Curinaldi, Alois von, 65, 94-95, 
182, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 

217, 2l8, 220, 221, 222, 224, 
226, 241, 243, 257 

Czernin, Count Ottokar, 2 1 

Dabi, Lt. CoL Ljubomir, ac- 
count of Apis* death by, 

Dakit Mr., 80 

Dalmat, 40-41 



Darkness at Noon, 249 
Death of a Hero, The, 36, 216 
Demonstrations after assassina- 
tion, 146-47, 148, 149, 159 
Dimitrijevid, Col. Dragutin, 49- 
57, 58, 66, 67, 68, 72, 77-78, 

92, 94 95> 9 6 > 110 l66 l8l > 
185, 194, 195, 196, 201, 204, 
206, 208, 210, 217, 223, 224, 
227, 230, 247, 248, 249, 250- 
52, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257 

Djukic*, Lazar, 93, 151, 240, 241, 

Draga, Queen o Serbia, 44, 50, 

Duni, Col., 255 

Egger, Lieutenant, 123 

Elizabeth, Empress of Austria, 19 

Elizabeth, Princess of Luxem- 
bourg, 259 

Ernst von Hohenberg, Duke, 24, 
170, 181, 259 

Federalism, 27, 56, 57 
Feldbauer, Dr. Max, 212, 224, 

23** 233 

Ferdinand, King of Bulgaria, 53 
Ferdinand II, King of the Two 

Sicilies, 5-6 
Ferdinand Carl, Archduke, 6, 


Fischer, Dr., 123, 142 
Forkapi6, Nikola, 232, 244 
France, Russian alliance of, 209 
Franz Ferdinand, Archduke, 4, 5, 

8-13, 18-19, ^i, 37, 77 94> 

100, 102-03, 104, 105-06, 107, 

1O8, 1O9~10, 111, 117, 121, 
122-24, 125, 126, 127, 128, 
129-30, 131, 132, 133, 134 

135-36, *45> i5* !54 156. 
162, 167, 177, 216, 229, 261; 
assassination of, 119, 136-37, 
214, 230, 231, 242, 243, 249; 
death of, 140-41, 142-44, 162; 

education of, 6-7; funeral 
and burial of, 165, 166-67, 
168-70, 171-75, 176, 177, 178- 
79, 180, 181; marriage of, 
13-14, 15, 16, 17-18, 22-25, 
160, 161, 167; political con- 
victions of, 22, 26-27, 28, 33, 
56, 57, 152; reactions to 
death of, 151-52, 153, 159* 

160, 162-63, 16465; Sara- 
jevo visit of, 29, 30, 37, 38- 
39 4<>-42, 57' 68, 75, 76-77, 
93, 101-02, 106, 109, no, 
114, 115, 116, 118, 120, 123, 
130, 183, 227; see also Assas- 
sination of Franz Ferdinand; 

Franz Ferdinand von Hohenberg, 
Duke, 259 

Franz Joseph I, 5, 7, 10, 15, 
16, 17, 18-22, 23, 26, 29, 30, 
32,37,41,4^47. 5&77> i6, 
116-17, 130, 131, 132, 142- 
43, 145, 147, 152, 159, 160, 

161, 162-63, 164-65, 168, 
170, 171, 172-73, 175, 176- 
77, 178, 180, 181, 208, 259 

Freemasons, 225, 226, 227, 228 
Friedrich, Archduke, 13 

Ga&novic", Vladimir, 35-36, 46, 
55,91, 93, no, 215 

Giesl, Baron von, 202, 203 

George V, of England, 151, 171 

Gerde, Dr., 4, 103, 115, 132, 133- 
34, 146, 151, 163, 164, 165, 

Germany, 26, 31-32, 107; en- 
trance into war of, 208-09 

Golubic, Mustafa, 55 

GrabeS, Trifko, 3, 59, 60, 61, 63- 
64, 65-66, 68, 70, 73, 80, 81, 
82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 

94* 95-9 6 > 9 8 > 99 100 > 112 > 
118, 126, 127-28, 135-36* 
187, 188-89, 193, 194, 195* 



196, 201, 203, 212, 213, 214, 

2l6, 2l7~l8, 221, 223, 234, 

257, 260, 261, 

Grbic, Sergeant, 81, 82, 257 
Great Britain, declaration of war 

by, 209 
Grein, Lieutenant, 137, 138, 141, 


Harrach, Count, 115, 121, 135, 

137, 140, 141, 222 
Haugwitz, Countess Jella, 38 
Herzegovina. See Bosnia-Herzego- 


Hochmann, Dr., 142 
Hoffmann, Dr. Mayer, 212 
Hoger, Major, 141, 142 
Hiittenbrenner, Major von, 137, 

14 1 * 143 

Hit, Danilo, 3, 54, 55, 



no, 112, 118, 126, 186, 187, 
188, 189, 192, 193, i95> *9 6 ' 
212, 216-17, 218, 221, 238, 
240, 244, 246, 262 
Ilidze, 29, 30, 39, 42, 102-03, 104, 

107, 109, 111, 114, 132, 134 
Isabella, Archduchess, 13-14, 15 
Isakovid Island, inn at, 81, 82 

Jakovljevic, Milan, 79, 80 
Jankovic, Gen. Bozo, 43, 153-55* 


Jonaczek, Franz, 14-15, 3 8 
Jovanovic, Jovan, 74-76, 77 
Jovanovit Ljuba, 156-57 
Jovanovic, Miko, 87-88, 96, 97- 

98, 150-51, 193, 212, 217, 218, 

233, 244, 246 

Kalember, Dragan, 220, 240, 241, 


Kara, George, 51 
Karageorgevic, Prince Alexan- 

der, 51 

Karageorgevi, Peter, 44, 51 
Kazimirovi, Dr. Radovan, 224, 

225, 226, 231, 234 
Kerovic, Blagoje, 85, 86, 193, 217, 

232, 244 

Kerovic, Jovo, 85, 86, 193, 234, 

Kerovic, Mitar, 85, 86, 193, 217, 

233, 234* 235, 244, 260 
Kerovic, Nedjo>, 85, 86, 87, 88, 

193, 220-21, 235, 238, 244, 


Kiszling, Rudolf, 7 
Klopp, Dr. Onno, 6 
Koerber, Ernest von, 17-18 
Koestler, Arthur, 249 
Kontos, Ko&ta, 149 
Kranjcevid, Mrs. 189, 190 
Kranjcevic, Ivo, 189, 190, 235, 

238, 244 
Krstanovid, Trifko, 197 

Lanjus, Countess, 115, 123, 141, 

142, 166 

Lazar, Prince of the Serbs, 113 
Lje&nica, border crossing at, 70, 


Leo XIII, Pope, 22 
Letica, Metropolitan, 147, 151 
London Times f 146, 228 
Loznica, 69, 70, 79 
Ludendorff, Gen. Erich von, 227, 


Maji, Milan, 195 

Malek, Wenzl, 212, 239, 240, 241 

Mali Zvornik, Cabrinovic's cross- 
ing at, 70, 79, 80 

Malobabic, Rade 250, 253, 254, 
255, 256 

Margaretha Sophie, daughter of 
Archduke Carl Ludwig, 6 

Margutti, Baron Albert Freiherr, 
159, 160, 176 

Maria Annunciata, Princess, 5-6 

Marie Antoinette, 181 



Maria Theresia, Archduchess, 6, 

23* 24, 25 
Marie Christine, daughter of 

Archduke Friedrich, 14 
Marie Louise, Empress, 167-68 
Marschall, Godfried, 6, 17 
Masons. See Freemasons 
Maximilian, Archduke, 8, 19 
Maximilian von Hohenberg, 

Duke, 14-15, 24, 107-08, 170, 

181, 259 
Mehmedbasic", Muhamed, 3, 4, 

55, 92, 93, 95-96, 98, 99, no, 

118-19, 189, 190, 191-92, 

216, 248, 250, 261 
Mercure de France, 228 
Merizzi, Lt. Col. Erik, 4, 109, 

115, 123, 124, 132, 133, 134, 

136, 142 
Metkovic", 41 
Micic, Mico, 81, 82, 83, 193, 217, 

234, 244, 245 

Miguel, King of Portugal, 6 
Mikacevic", Brother, 144, 166 
Milosevic, Obren, 83-84, 193, 

240, 241, 244, 245 
Milovanovi, Milovan, 43 
Milovid, Jakov, 81-83, 8 4> *93 

217, 232-33, 244* 245 
Mlada Bosna, 35-36, 37, 91, in 
Momcinovic, Ivan, 231, 234, 

Montenegro, 31, 34; Mehmed- 

ba&ic" in, 190-92, 216 
Montenuovo, Prince Alfred, 167- 

69, 173, 174-75* !7 6 > !78, 180 
Morsey, Baron, 114, 125, 134, 

Mostar, 41-42 

Municipal Undertaking Estab- 

lishment of the City of Vi- 

enna, 178 
Murad I, 113 
Murder. See Assassination; Assas- 

sination of Franz Ferdinand 

Mussolini, Benito, 153 

Napoleon, 167 

Narodna Odbrana, 43-44, 48, 61, 

*53> *54> 194* *95> *97> 199^ 

203, 213, 218, 222-23, 226, 

Naumowicz, Judge Bogdan, 211- 

12, 221 

Neipperg, Count, 16768 
Neue Freie Presse, 163 
New York Times, 213 
Nicholas, King of Montenegro, 

Nicholas II, of Russia, 22, 151, 

Nicholas Nicolaievich, Grand 

Duke, 171 

Obilic", Milos, 113 
Otto, Archduke, 6, 7, 10, 161 
Ottoman Empire, disintegration 
of, 31, 32, 34 

Paar, Count, 30, 159, 160 

Pacu, Minister of Finance, 202, 


Pasi<5, Georgina, 73-74 
PaSic, Nikola, 49, 56-57, 71, 72, 

73-75^ J 53> *54> *55> *$> 
157, 158, 202, 206, 207, 208, 
247, 248, 254, 259 
Paunkovic, Arch-priest Zdravko, 

252, 253, 255 
Payer, Dr., 142, 143, 144 
Perina, Marko, 220, 235, 244, 260 
Peris'^, Dr. Felix, 212, 234 
Peter, King of Serbia, 171 
Pfeffer, Judge Leo, 137, 182, 183, 
184, 185-86, 187, 188, 189, 
192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 
198, 199, 200, 204, 213, 257 
Piemant, 49, 155 
Pochlarn, services at, 178-79 
Police protection in Sarajevo. 
See Sarajevo, security ar- 
rangements in 



Pollaco, Dr., 142 
Popovte, Cvijetko, 3, 94, 95-96, 
98, 99, no, 118, 126, 189, 
190, 217, 218, 234, 235, 243* 
244, 261 

Popovic", Col, Cedomir, 54 
Popovi, Col. Rada, 68-69 
Potiorek, Gen. Oskar, 4, 29, 30, 

S4> 54* 55> 57* 75> 7^ 9%> 93> 
104-05, 106, 108, 109-10, 

114, 115, 117-18, 121, 123, 

!32, 133, 134. i35> !37* HO, 
144-45, 147, 148, 149, 150, 
159, 163, 164, 165, 166, 185, 

190, 199, 20O, 221, 258 

PremuHc*, Dr. Konstantin, 64, 

212, 224, 233, 234 

Press coverage of assassins' trial, 

Pribicevi, Milan, 194, 195, 196, 
199, 201 

Pnboj/84, 87, 94 

Princip, Mrs., 218, 219 

Princip, Gavrilo, 3, 42, 62-63, 
64-65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 81, 
82, 83, 84, 85-86, 87, 88, 89, 
91, 92, 94, 95-9 6 > 9 8 > 99' 1OO > 

103, 11O, 111-12, Il8, 125, 
126-28, 136, 137, 138, 139, 
140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 
147, 148, 150-51, 153, 155, 
157, 158, 172, l82, 183, 184, 
185, l86, 187, l88, 189, 192, 
193, 194, 195-96, 198, 200, 
201, 203, 210, 211, 212, 213, 
214, 215, 2l6, 217, 218-19, 
221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 
227, 228, 229, 232, 234, 237, 

240, 241, 242, 243* *44 245, 

246, 256, 257, 258, 260, 26l, 

Protic", Lt. Joseph, 253 
Protic", Stojan, 71, 72 
Prvanovic*, Capt., 69, 70, 79, 81, 

201, 203 
Pimtigam, Father, 144, 226-27 

PuSara, Mihailo, 136 
Pusic", Danilo, 138, 139-40 

Ras'ic', Nikola, 212 

Riots. See Demonstrations after 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 20 

Rudolf, Crown Prince, 8, 19, 228, 

Rumania, 31, 32 

Rumerskirch, Baron, 133, 144-45, 
166, 179 

Russia, 26, 31, 32; French alli- 
ance of, 209; Serbian alli- 
ance of, 33, 44, 56, 57, 208 

Sadilo, Mr. and Mrs., 189 

Saint Vitus Day, 76, 113, 114, 155, 


Salonica, trial in, 248-50 
Sarac, Djuro, 224, 249-50 
Sarajevo, riots in. See Demon- 
strations after assassination 
Sarajevo visit, security arrange- 
ments for, 104-05, 116-18, 
163-64, 165; see also Franz 
Ferdinand, Archduke, trip to 
Sarajevo of 

Sarajevoer Tagblatt, 11516, 149 
Savic", Maj. Alexander, 256 
Schiller, Moritz, 136, 148, 262 
Schratt, Katharine, 23 
Security arrangements. See Sara- 
jevo visit, security arrange- 
ments for 
Semiz's Inn, Sarajevo, party at, 


Serbia, 31, 32, 33~34> 35>* Austrian 
ultimatum to, 199, 202, 203- 
04, 206-07; coup of 1903 in, 

44> 5*> 5*> 5^, 73 77J govern- 
mental connections with ter- 
rorist organizations in, 48, 

49-50, 53. 55> 7i 7*~73 74- 
75, 201, 206, 226; intrigues 
of, 48, 49, 53; reaction to 



assassination in, 153, 155-56, 
157; reply to Austrian ulti- 
matum by, 207, 208; Russian 
alliance of, 33, 44, 56, 57, 
208; see also Black Hand; 
Dimitrijevi, Col. Dragutin 
Sophie Chotek, Duchess, 4, 14, 
15, 17, 18, 22, 23-24, 25, 29- 
30, 38-40, 42, 102-03, 106- 
09, 114, 115, 1 16, 122-23, l *1> 
130, 131, i34~35> 1 S7> HO> 
141, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 
150, 152, 154, 156, 159, 160, 

167, 214, 221, 222, 228, 230, 

231, 242, 258, 261; funeral 
and burial of, 165, 166-67, 
168-70, 171-75, 176, 178-79, 
180, 181 

Sophie, daughter of Archduke 
Franz Ferdinand, 24, 134, 
170, 181 

Sosnosky, Theodor von, 11 
Spahovi, Smail, 139 
Srpska Rijec, 120 
Stadler, Archbishop, 144, 166 
Stanowsky, Dr., 145 
Steed, Wickham, 228 
Stefanie, Archduchess, 228 
Stiepanovi, Cvijan, 234, 244 
Stojkovi, Capt. Milan, 253 
Storck, Wilhelm Ritter von, 155- 


Strupl, Dr. Franz, 212, 234-35 
Sunari, Dr. Josip, 108-109 
Suni, customs chief, 79 
Surratt, Mrs., 245 
Svara, Franjo, 212, 213, 230, 231, 

232, 237, 241 

Taia, 229 

Tankosic, Major Voja, 55, 58, 59, 
62, 63, 66-67, 68, 77, 192, 
194/195, 196, 197, 201, 207, 
223, 224, 225, 227, 247, 249, 

Terrorist organizations. See Assas- 

sination; Black Hand; Mlada 
Bosna; Narodna Odbrana 
Toulouse, France, meeting in, 

55* 57> 93 

Trialism, 27, 56, 57 
Turkey. See Ottoman Empire, 

disintegration of 
Tuzla, assassins' trip to, 80, 83, 

84, 85, 87, 88-89, 96, 97 

Ujedinjenje Hi Smrt. See Black 

Underground, assassins' use of, 

43-44, 68, 79, 81-82, 84, 87, 

88,90, 94, 118 

VareSanin, Gen., 36 

Vasic", Maj. Milan, 61 

Velic, Ante, 138 

Vetsera, Marie, 229 

Victor Emmanuel, of Italy, 171 

Vienna Reichspost, 148, 163, 164, 


Viribus Unitis, 38, 40, 166-67 
Vulovid, 253, 254-55, 256 

Werfel, Franz, 260 

Wiesner, Friedrich von, 200, 201, 

202, 203 
Wilhelm II, Kaiser, 13, 22, 24, 


Wilson, Woodrow, 151, 152 
Wolfgang, Dr., 141, 142 

Zadar, 40 

Zagorac, Branko, 233, 244 

Zerajte, Bogdan, 36, 37, 46, 64, 

91, in, 128, 183, 215, 216, 

Zistler, Dr. Rudolf, 212, 235, 236, 

237, 238, 239, 241, 257 
Zita, Archduchess, 180 
Zivanovid, Milan, 251, 252 
Zivanovi, Zivan, 252 
Zora, 64